tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-60765353189301842302024-03-13T23:03:13.519-07:00अंतिम जन Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.comBlogger124125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-50682465335156292552021-06-02T23:35:00.004-07:002021-06-03T01:55:31.662-07:00हम काले है तो क्या हुआ... - संदीप नाईक<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1254" data-original-width="2508" height="208" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-T2hT2qIn-ws/YLhwcOzuYUI/AAAAAAAAAqE/5DZQqpHLTdYH_al2daLThnDn90X1iQWtwCLcBGAsYHQ/w640-h208/e8fdc5394328641e30293df05d3b60644bffabce.jpeg" width="640" /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">कई लोगों से मिला जिनके फोटो फेसबुक पर एक दम गौर वर्ण के थे और जब मिला तो काले - महिलाएं तो ठीक उसमें पुरूष भी शामिल थे और उम्रदराज अधेड़ पुरुष भी जब पूछा कि ऐसा क्यों तो <b>"बोले ब्यूटी एप से हो जाता है"</b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">कई बार आप मित्रों से मिलते है तो फोटो खींचते है, अक्सर लोग कहते है फेसबुक या इंस्टा पर मत डालना, आप ऐसे ही डाल देते हो - मतलब ? अरे यार फोटो डालने के पहले उस पर काम करना होता है थोड़ा - चाहे जो थोड़े ही डालते है</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">बहुत दुख होता है, अरे भाई इस सबकी जरूरत क्या है - जैसे है - वैसे रहें - ज्यादा बेहतर वही है , फिर हमारे यहां तो कृष्ण को भी काला कहा गया है रसखान और सूरदास ने कितना सुंदर लिखा है कृष्ण और उनकी माँ के साथ हुई रंग की बहस को - बाल सुलभ बहस को - फिर हम तो कृष्ण को भगवान मानते है ना</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">मेरा घर मे अभी भी नाम काळ्या यानि काला ही है क्योकि अपने घर मे सबसे काला हूँ पर अच्छा लगता है, हमारे एक मित्र का नाम कालूराम है पर उसे कालूराम कहो तो मिर्च लगती है - के आर कहो तो ख़ुश , मतलब क्या दिक्कत है यार - नाम मे क्या रखा है</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">फोटो जैसे हो वैसे लगाओ ना - क्या दिक्कत है -आपको कौनसा ब्यूटी कॉन्टेस्ट जीतना है या गोरे होने का नोबल पुरस्कार, काला एक रंग है जो त्वचा में एक पिगमेंट के कारण रिफ्लेक्ट होता है, बल्कि भारत जैसे देश मे काला रंग ही सबसे मुफ़ीद रंग है जीने को - जीवन मे अभी तक बहुत गोरे लोगों को काले काम करते देख रहा हूँ, अपने साथ ही में काम कर रहें गोरे लोगों को मन में घटियापन और ओछापन लिए हुए, बारहों मास - चौबीस घण्टों षड्यंत्र रचते हुए और दुनिया को नष्ट करते हुए - इन जैसे गोरे लोगों ने ही दुनिया को जीते जी नरक बना डाला है , इनके भी काले - गोरे धन्धों और चरित्र को देखा है नजदीक से और यह कह सकता हूँ कि हम काले कुटिल लोग ही ठीक है इन मक्कारों से, ब्रिटेन, अमेरिका का गोरापन क्या है इतिहास और वर्तमान इसका साक्षी है ही</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">क्या हमारे सारे दक्षिण भारतीय मर जाये, क्या अफ्रीकन मर जाये या वे सभी लोग मर जाये जो काले है - और क्या गोरे रंगभेदी लोग अपनी आँखों की पुतलियों को फोड़ दें, बाल जला दें अपने ... और फिर जलवायु, वातावरण, काम की परिस्थितियां या जेनेटिक विरासत का क्या</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">हमारे यहां तो गोरा करने का एक भरा पूरा उद्योग है जो इस घृणित मानसिकता पर ही जिंदा है - कभी लोगों को वास्तविक जीवन में जाकर एकदम से देख लीजिए बगैर मेकअप के तो आप औचक रह जाएंगे और सच मे दिल से घृणा करने लगेंगे और तब समझ आएगा कि ये सौंदर्य प्रसाधन में अरबों रुपये क्यों लगे हुए है और FMCG का यह व्यवसाय कितना प्रभावी है बाज़ार में</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">मुझे तो फोटो को गोरा करना आता भी नही ना कोई एप है मोबाइल में</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: Poppins; font-size: 14px;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"><b>**********************************************************************</b></span></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: Poppins; font-size: 14px;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: Poppins; font-size: 14px;"><div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="319" data-original-width="320" height="199" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-aKPWzuMq3Bs/YLh3bRSih0I/AAAAAAAAAqM/TutalDHdFl8DINlhz0UgYWnYvL7Pl6OJQCLcBGAsYHQ/w200-h199/Sandip%2BNaik.jpeg" width="200" /></div></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b>संदीप नाईक </b></div><div style="text-align: center;">सी 55, कालानी बाग</div><div style="text-align: center;">देवास मप्र 455001</div><div style="text-align: center;">naiksandi@gmail.com</div></div><div><div style="font-family: poppins; text-align: center;">(देवास मप्र में रहते है, 34 वर्ष विभिन्न प्रकार के कामों और नौकरियों को करके इन दिनों फ्री लांस काम करते है. अंग्रेज़ी साहित्य और समाज कार्य मे दीक्षित संदीप का लेखन से गहरा सरोकार है, एक कहानी संकलन " नर्मदा किनारे से बेचैनी की कथाएँ" आई है जिसे हिंदी के प्रतिष्ठित वागीश्वरी सम्मान से नवाज़ा गया है , इसके अतिरिक्त देश की श्रेष्ठ पत्रिकाओं में सौ से ज़्यादा कविताएं , 150 से ज्यादा आलेख, पुस्तक समीक्षाएं और ज्वलंत विषयों पर शोधपरक लेख प्रकाशित है)</div></div></div></div>Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0Dewas, Madhya Pradesh, India22.9675929 76.0534454-5.3426409361788458 40.8971954 51.277826736178845 111.2096954tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-31317755016404620742021-01-26T06:30:00.028-08:002021-06-05T23:02:09.405-07:00 THE REPUBLIC RALLY - Rashmi Ranjan<div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-ZPAuQmE9pCQ/YLxhk7LqJBI/AAAAAAAAAqc/DMTRMUbdBKY9rF54XtL9TyDpsBAFQppYACLcBGAsYHQ/s696/Red-Fort-696x392.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="392" data-original-width="696" height="360" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-ZPAuQmE9pCQ/YLxhk7LqJBI/AAAAAAAAAqc/DMTRMUbdBKY9rF54XtL9TyDpsBAFQppYACLcBGAsYHQ/w640-h360/Red-Fort-696x392.jpeg" width="640" /></a></div><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Hoisting Nishan Sahib Flag on the lower rampart of the Lal Qila is a black spot on Indian history but the alarming leaked chat of fixing TRP, knowing confidential details of nation’s security for making money by Arnab Goswami is not?</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Well, here my matter of concern is the trending hashtags on twitter #Delhi_police_lath_bajao. Where were these hashtags when 67-78 farmers died protesting on borders peacefully in biting cold and no leader from ruling government came to pay homage?</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: times;">According to NRCB report of 2014, the number of suicides by farmers and farm labourers increased to 12,360 in 2014, against 11,772 in 2013 of these suicides, 5,650 were farmers suicides, in which half of the suicide were in Maharashtra. NCRB data points out that in 2474 suicides out of the studied 3000 farmer suicides in 2015 the victims had unpaid loans from local banks. </span><span style="font-family: times;">There is no data provided for the same by NCRB after the year 2015.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Where were these hashtagers back then? Where were these hashtagers when farmers from different parts of India marched Delhi with demands and high hopes from the government in Delhi and had to return empty-handed.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-CSjpU_x4Izg/YLxh-SN7PXI/AAAAAAAAAqk/6WVTtkJCiY8wArUZ9cv86tVqIAHyP7YXgCLcBGAsYHQ/s1280/943458-farmers-protest.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="1280" height="360" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-CSjpU_x4Izg/YLxh-SN7PXI/AAAAAAAAAqk/6WVTtkJCiY8wArUZ9cv86tVqIAHyP7YXgCLcBGAsYHQ/w640-h360/943458-farmers-protest.jpg" width="640" /></span></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Definitely, no violence is justified from protester's side nor from Police’s side. The kind of patience the farmer have been showing is commendable in cold and unexpected rain for months. The government has been adamant and has been testing patience since long and suddenly when farmers lose their patience they are again Khalistan, anti-national and what not. These farmers have seen the death of their kin and mourned over it on the border yet no leader from the government came to talk or sympathize. </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Instead, the respected Prime Minister choose to celebrate Devdeepavali. My question simply is how can one not lose the temper when the government is so adamant and ignorant?</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">*************************************************************************</span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RUY_Y3mapaA/YLxkRWdhXiI/AAAAAAAAAqs/kyH863LNTK8_YmpKfKDp2GvhOWkDGzRiACLcBGAsYHQ/s1189/163561693_3927703277287767_1479859236313884924_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1189" data-original-width="1080" height="200" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RUY_Y3mapaA/YLxkRWdhXiI/AAAAAAAAAqs/kyH863LNTK8_YmpKfKDp2GvhOWkDGzRiACLcBGAsYHQ/w182-h200/163561693_3927703277287767_1479859236313884924_n.jpg" width="182" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">Rashmi Ranjan</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">(Advocate)</div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></b></span></div>Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0New Delhi, Delhi, India28.6139391 77.20902120.30370526382115415 42.052771199999995 56.924172936178849 112.3652712tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-28103507653240789702020-07-28T22:45:00.003-07:002020-07-29T02:18:14.663-07:00The Great Indian Society & Domestic Violence<div style="text-align: center;"><b><font size="6">RECOLLECTING YOUR THOUGHTS ON DOMESTIC VIOLENCE</font></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-TigulSYlkoo/XyE8aj5FN0I/AAAAAAABDyQ/9dnlSW488HwmJ96XH5aoXVDdH-bkqoIrQCNcBGAsYHQ/s980/2Pune_Domestic_violence_PunF.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="420" data-original-width="980" height="268" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-TigulSYlkoo/XyE8aj5FN0I/AAAAAAABDyQ/9dnlSW488HwmJ96XH5aoXVDdH-bkqoIrQCNcBGAsYHQ/w625-h268/2Pune_Domestic_violence_PunF.jpg" width="625" /></a></div></b></div><br /><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">What I intend to write in this Article, will more so be on a personal note, and with certain briefs parts relating to Legal Perspective. If you are, what might be termed as “an aware citizen”, you would be reading, or getting to know enough about “Domestic Violence”. Lately, we have been seeing Articles flooded with “Domestic Violence amidst lockdown “, the surge in number of cases, or the authors trying their best to provide a rationale as to WHY this occurs. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">However, some concerns are such that they are beyond the understanding provided by any definition. Their causes are past any explanation or justification we can provide or think of (in favour of the person committing it). Such issues cannot be summarised within a few words supplied by an Act. Take a moment to ponder, did were DV cases any less, ever that they needed the a Lockdown to be assisted with? The truth is, they just went unreported or were ignored, which in all likelihood became unbearable to live-with during the lockdown, hence were outlined. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-pHqsbDO18b4/XyE-ewtS7ZI/AAAAAAABDyo/hM7YQZ937yQUmdanj2lppa8tAhpMXzh9wCNcBGAsYHQ/s975/domestic-violence-law.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="975" height="289" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-pHqsbDO18b4/XyE-ewtS7ZI/AAAAAAABDyo/hM7YQZ937yQUmdanj2lppa8tAhpMXzh9wCNcBGAsYHQ/w625-h289/domestic-violence-law.jpg" width="625" /></a></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">In India, we have two major Acts governing the provisions relating to “DOMESTIC VIOLENCE” : </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">The First One is – <b><i>“The PROTECTION OF WOMEN FROM DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ACT, 2005”</i></b> </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">And, the other one is allocated under <b><i>Section 498A of the INDIAN PENAL CODE, 1860.</i></b> </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Let us first take a cursory look at the Definitions provided the governing Statutes: </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Domestic violence is defined by <b>Section 3</b> of <i><b>The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act</b></i> as <b>"ANY ACT, OMISSION OR COMMISSION OR CONDUCT OF THE RESPONDENT SHALL CONSTITUTE DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN CASE IT: </b></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><ol><li><font size="5"><div style="text-align: justify;">harms or injures or endangers the health, safety, life, limb or well-being, whether mental or physical, of the aggrieved person or tends to do so and includes causing physical abuse, sexual abuse, verbal and emotional abuse and economic abuse; or </div></font></li><li><div style="text-align: justify;">harasses, harms, injures or endangers the aggrieved person to coerce her or any other person related to her to meet any unlawful demand for any dowry or other property or valuable security; or</div></li><li><div style="text-align: justify;">has the effect of threatening the aggrieved person or any person related to her by any conduct mentioned in clause (a) or clause (b); or </div></li><li><div style="text-align: justify;">otherwise injures or causes harm, whether physical or mental, to the aggrieved person." </div></li></ol></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">The Act goes on, through the section Explanation 1, to define "physical abuse","sexual abuse", "verbal and emotional abuse" and "economic abuse". </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><b>The SCOPE of the ACT reads: </b></div> <div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><ul><li><font size="5"><div style="text-align: justify;">Primarily meant to provide protection to the <a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wife">wife</a> or female live-in partner from <a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domestic_violence">domestic violence</a> at the hands of the <a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Husband">husband</a> or male live-in partner or his relatives, the law also extends its protection to women living in a household such as sisters, widows or mothers. Domestic violence under the act includes actual abuse or the threat of abuse whether physical, sexual, verbal, emotional or economic.<a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protection_of_Women_from_Domestic_Violence_Act,_2005#cite_note-Damayanti-1">[1]</a>Harassment by way of unlawful <a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dowry">dowry</a> demands to the woman or her relatives would also be covered under this definition<a href="file:///C:/Users/Pratik%20Kumar/Downloads/DV.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a>. </div></font></li></ul><ul><li><div style="text-align: justify;">Sec 498A of INDIAN PENAL CODE, 1860 : </div></li></ul></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><b>HUSBAND OR RELATIVE OF HUSBAND OF A WOMAN SUBJECTING HER TO CRUELTY —</b> Whoever, being the husband or the relative of the husband of a woman, subjects such woman to cruelty shall be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Explanation. — For the purposes of this section, <b><i>“cruelty”</i></b> means— </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">(a) any wilful conduct which is of such a nature as is likely to drive the woman to commit suicide or to cause grave injury or danger to life, limb or health (whether mental or physical) of the woman; or </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">(b) harassment of the woman where such harassment is with a view to coercing her or any person related to her to meet any unlawful demand for any property or valuable security or is on account of failure by her or any person related to her to meet such demand <a href="file:///C:/Users/Pratik%20Kumar/Downloads/DV.docx#_ftn2">[2]</a>. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Hailing from the Legal Fraternity and reading these definitions, I must thank the Judiciary for doing and absolutely phenomenal work. For thinking of and including every locution and term that one could perhaps contemplate of ; </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">However, probably when a MAN or HIS RELATIVES perpetrate these above mention acts on a Woman, they fail to understand the grave consequences of it. More so, because either the female decides to keep quiet, or if she decides to speak up- her own family members silence her for the sake of “our dear society “, and also because we all know that acquiring a Bail, is not an problematic task. Because the Courts function in Law and Evidence (which is most essential), it takes significant amount to prove a person GUILTY (and in some cases, in between an on-going case, a compromise is reached). </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Let’s take in consideration for a moment that a female (probably the wife/ or daughter-in-law) of a family, does not “behave in accordance” with the norms of the concerned family, and by the term "<b>in accordance"</b>, I mean the expectations of her <b>“in-laws”</b>. If a Woman decides to pursue her passion in a certain field after her marriage, or wishes to continue with her job, is it necessary for her to take the approval of her in-laws, per se? What I mean here is strictly <b>“prior approval”</b> and not <b>“suggestions”</b>. Suddenly, her Lifestyle and Clothing-Style, which she has been carrying all over the years have to be altered as <i><b>“Sasural walon ko accha nahi lagta”</b></i>!, But if she continues to carry such Job, pursue such passion, or wear such clothes, or whatsoever behaviour (if it is not abusive on her side), does it give a Man or any of his Family member the right to inflict Violence on her? </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">I hear Men saying, it was in rage that I physically or verbally abused my partner/wife; Or this was the First & Last time I used physical Violence. Or statements such as <i><b>“Vo sunn nahi rahi thi”</b></i> ; It is abundantly necessary for a person to realise their mistake, but nothing gives a person the RIGHT to inflicted any kind of violence wether Verbal, Physical, Emotional , Sexual, or Economic , and later vindicate the reasons, thereof . What amazes me even more is how can a “WOMAN” (emphasising because same gender), cause another woman to suffer, whilst deciphering the fact that she herself belongs to the same sex. And what shocks me , is when women on whom such violence has been inflicted come out with an abundantly preposterous warrant for the same. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-i4drwgH-Zcg/XyE8132wzAI/AAAAAAABDyc/suVedysRV44IglgMcM2rAY1SZx81BcKkgCNcBGAsYHQ/s768/mhlnews_11626_stop_domestic_violence.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="432" data-original-width="768" height="351" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-i4drwgH-Zcg/XyE8132wzAI/AAAAAAABDyc/suVedysRV44IglgMcM2rAY1SZx81BcKkgCNcBGAsYHQ/w625-h351/mhlnews_11626_stop_domestic_violence.png" width="625" /></a></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">When India was granted freedom at the stroke of midnight, and when <b>“We the people of India”</b> were guaranteed our Constitutional Rights, what people failed to understand was: <i><b>“Freedom was guaranteed to Men & Women both”</b></i>. A woman is not an object to be Suppressed; A woman has as much freedom in a marriage or a live-in- relationship, as much has been given to any Man. If she is willing to Compromise once for her in-laws & husband, do not take her as a machine to be accommodating to all those demands, you put forth. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">I have never heard of a family wherein for marriage the groom’s family has been demanded of for giving <b>“GIFTS”</b> (read: DOWRY). Or, a groom has had to change his lifestyle, or clothing style, or alter his freedoms succumbing to the demands of his wife or her family. I have never heard of a groom from whom Dowry has been demanded, or later on has been taunted for not bringing in <b>“the desired economical requisites”</b>. Never heard of a Man, who had to take prior approval of his in-laws before pursuing a certain career-choices Never heard a man was assaulted by a Woman for not standing up to the commands of his in-laws; Never beard of a man who was asked to put down posts, or videos on social media, just because his in-laws didn’t approve of. Never heard of a man who was insulted because he couldn’t cook appropriately; WHY are such things “only expected” from a Woman, when they both are equally responsible for maintaining a Family. If a Man’s male chauvinist ego could be hurt on being demanded to behave “in accordance “by his in-laws, then why is it made an issue of colossal amount of criticism if the woman fails to succumb to those same demands? <b>WHY?</b> </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">When, I was of a slightly younger age, I was of the notion that DV took place only in the dwelling place of the economically lower-class, but that was a mammoth myth I believed in, for Domestic Violence ( in it’s absolute vicinity) is the story next door. There can literally be as many possible forms of DV as one can possibly imagine of and hence it becomes impracticable to sum summarise it under one ambit, rather it is an umbrella term; Just that it remains unspoken of, or the woman keeps succumbing to such adhering to such savagery. For some <b>“literate”</b> folks, it is exceptionally undemanding to speak volumes about how <b>“a civilised person should behave”</b>, how <b>“dowry shouldn’t be demanded”</b>, how <b>“they are liberal”</b>, how <b>“they are welcoming & understanding”</b> , how <b>“inflicting violence”</b> is erroneous, BUT, in actuality , failing to practice any of these in their own lives. Just as the Hindi idiom reads: <b>“hathi ke daant khan ke aur, dikhane ke aur</b>”. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">FREEDOM of Speech, Of Expression, Of Choices, of Work, or any other PRIVILEGE is and shall remain the identical for a Woman, as if for a MAN. If she <b>“FAILS”</b> to act <b>“in-accordance”</b> with the “norms” decided by her Husband and her relatives does not make her <b>“Character-less”</b>, <b>“a bad woman”</b> and in no case, gives <b>“any person”</b> any kind of power to inflict her with any category of Violence or Negativity (no justification suffices) , which ultimately leads to her taking a step, which she might have never thought of. As the former first lady once said –“No country can truly flourish if it stifles the potential of its women”, similarly no residence can prosper and no life can spring without a Woman. A content, peaceful, and untroubled marriage is the responsibility of both individuals, with certain obligations of their family members, as well. And, not just of the Woman alone. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">But if in any case a man or his relatives fail to recall their Limitations, then in that case, they can always be reminded of : </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><b>SC on Domestic Violence:</b></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Aggrieved wife may also file a complaint against a relative of the husband or the male partner, as the case may be [Date- 05-06-2019] </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><b>Justice Dr Dhananjaya Y. Chandrachud and Justice Hemant Gupta</b> have passed the judgement in the case titled as Ajay Kumar v. Lata alias Sharuti dated on April 8, 2019. In accordance with the proviso to the section 2(q) of the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, indicates that both, an aggrieved wife or a female living in a relationship in the nature of marriage may also file a complaint against a relative of the husband or the male partner, as the case may be<a href="file:///C:/Users/Pratik%20Kumar/Downloads/DV.docx#_ftn3">[3]</a>. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><b>PS:</b> <b><i>Some Families teach their son or make them efficient enough, so that Ultimately they can loot the Female's family on pretext of "High Qualification of their Son." I suggest that Teach your son for his own growth, and not for your means of collecting Dowry.</i></b></div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"> </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">Stay Home. Stay safe. And <b>DISCONTINUE</b> any kind of Violence. </div><div style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Pratik%20Kumar/Downloads/DV.docx#_ftnref1">[1]</a> THE PROTECTION OF WOMEN FROM DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ACT,2005 </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Pratik%20Kumar/Downloads/DV.docx#_ftnref2">[2]</a> INDIAN PENA CODE,1860 </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Pratik%20Kumar/Downloads/DV.docx#_ftnref3">[3]</a> Latestlaws.com</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><font size="5">***************************************************</font></b></div>प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-67347365307252898032020-07-03T23:12:00.003-07:002020-07-03T23:42:07.169-07:00कहानी दो फैसलों की- भारती गौड़ <div style="text-align: center;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-XWbeQ1eWzNE/XwAaccokayI/AAAAAAAAAkc/kq5ltFajnhgqZYbeN1WwZ3RJKxK_pFxUACK4BGAsYHg/s647/divorce-in-india.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="404" data-original-width="647" height="391" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-XWbeQ1eWzNE/XwAaccokayI/AAAAAAAAAkc/kq5ltFajnhgqZYbeN1WwZ3RJKxK_pFxUACK4BGAsYHg/w625-h391/divorce-in-india.jpg" width="625" /></a></div></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font size="5">दो फैसले आए इन दिनों।</font></b> </div><div style="text-align: justify;">गुवाहाटी हाईकोर्ट तलाक मामला जिसमें मंज़ूरी दी गई दूसरा दिल्ली हाईकोर्ट तलाक मामला अर्ज़ी अस्वीकार कर दी गई। दोनों के आधार भी हम देखेंगे। ये आपको मोटे तौर पर कोर्ट बनाम कोर्ट लगेगा ही। </div><div style="text-align: justify;">तलाक एक ऐसा मसला जो नितांत निजी होते हुए भी सामाजिक सरोकार से जुड़ा क्योंकि विवाह नाम "संस्था" के अंतर्गत आता है क्योंकि सामाजिक सन्दर्भों के बिना इसको भारतीय परिप्रेक्ष्य में समझना टेढ़ी खीर नहीं बल्कि एक धतुरा है। तलाक के मसलों में फैमिली काउंसलिंग अतिआवश्यक इसीलिए की गई क्योंकि ऐसे तो कोई भी कभी भी जाकर तलाक माँगेगा और फिर आपकी इस संस्था का होगा क्या!</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-UP2vXzhokp0/XwAaypghfsI/AAAAAAAAAkw/ml5QAuK4nGkRFvFIfv-e4pJy1olA_fhjQCK4BGAsYHg/s728/law-on-dom-estic-violence-against-women-5-728.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="546" data-original-width="728" height="469" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-UP2vXzhokp0/XwAaypghfsI/AAAAAAAAAkw/ml5QAuK4nGkRFvFIfv-e4pJy1olA_fhjQCK4BGAsYHg/w625-h469/law-on-dom-estic-violence-against-women-5-728.jpg" width="625" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><font size="5">भारत में अलग अलग धर्मों के अनुसार तलाक की प्रक्रिया चलती है अलग अलग कानून के तहत:</font></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><ul><li><i>हिन्दू विवाह अधिनयम, 1955, जिसमें हिन्दू, सिख, जैन और बौद्ध धर्म शामिल हैं।</i></li><li><i>ईसाइयों के लिए तलाक अधिनियम, 1869, और भारतीय ईसाई विवाह अधिनियम, 1872 है।</i></li><li><i>मुस्लिमों के लिए तलाक की प्रक्रिया (personnel laws of divorce and the dissolution of marriage act, 1939) और मुस्लिम महिला अधिनियम, 1986 द्वारा नियंत्रित है और अब तीन तलाक कानून भी पारित हो चुका है।</i></li><li><i>पारसियों के लिए, पारसी विवाह और तलाक अधिनियम, 1936 के तहत है।</i></li><li><i>अन्य सभी धर्मों और और सामान्य मुद्दों के लिए विशेष विवाह अधिनियम, 1954 के तहत आता है ये सब।</i></li></ul></div><div style="text-align: justify;">ये तो हुई कानूनी जानकारी।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">कोर्ट में दो चीजें होती है एक होता है निर्णय और एक होता है आदेश। निर्णय में बहुत कुछ शामिल रहता है भारी चीज़ है ये और आदेश आप तक दो चार पंक्तियों के रूप में पहुँचता है। गुवाहाटी हाईकोर्ट में और आधारों के साथ साथ एक जिस आधार को तलाक के लिए वैध बताया उस पर लोगों में गुस्सा है। होना भी चाहिए। </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">हमारे कोर्ट वक़्त वक़्त पर प्रगतिशीलता की भी नजीरें देते रहे हैं साहसी फैसलों के रूप में जिसमें 377 और 497 शामिल है। ये निरपेक्ष रूप से प्रगतिशीलता का परिचय था है और कानून के इतिहास में हमेशा रहेगा। एलजीबीटी और अडल्ट्री के वक़्त भी एक बहुत बड़े तबके की भौंहे तन गई थी और कोर्ट को खूब गरियाया गया था लेकिन कोर्ट को कभी एक पैसे का फर्क पड़ता नहीं है। एलजीबीटी पर लिखने पर मुझे और मेरे दोस्त अजीत भारती को खूब लानतें भेजी तथाकथित प्रगतिशील किन्तु कुंठित लोगों ने लेकिन जैसे कोर्ट को फर्क नहीं पड़ता, हमें कौनसा पड़ता है।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font size="5">बात गुवाहाटी केस की</font></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-DcRxQVmnF0Y/XwAbRZ01GfI/AAAAAAAAAlI/j4EMvWznrLgXXxgAUvWj6jrxu7h0jx3qACK4BGAsYHg/s1200/gauhati-hc-social.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="630" data-original-width="1200" height="329" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-DcRxQVmnF0Y/XwAbRZ01GfI/AAAAAAAAAlI/j4EMvWznrLgXXxgAUvWj6jrxu7h0jx3qACK4BGAsYHg/w625-h329/gauhati-hc-social.jpg" width="625" /></a></div></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">जिसमें और आधारों के साथ चूड़ी, सिंदूर और बिंदी को आधार बनाया गया है तलाक का। ध्यान दीजिएगा कि इसे और आधारों के साथ एक आधार बनाया गया है ये एकमात्र आधार नहीं बनाया गया है।अब बात ये कि क्या एक कोर्ट से ये उम्मीद की जा सकती है कि वो आगे कदम रखती हुई पीछे खिसक जाए! जी नहीं। कतई नहीं। ये उम्मीद के भी परे का आधार है।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">लेकिन.. लेकिन हमारे भारतीय कानून जिनका ऊपर मैंने सिर्फ नाम बताया है, के विस्तार के अंतर्गत बहुत कुछ ऐसे आधार हैं जो समाज, संस्कृति, आपके आस पास का कल्चर, समुदाय, माहौल जिसमे परिवेश शामिल होता है को ध्यान में रखकर आधार बनाए जाते हैं और जो पहले से बने हुए हैं। चूँकि पारिवारिक मसलों में एक्ट्स और रुलिंग्स बहुत ही ज्यादा काम्प्लेक्स होते हैं जिसमें तलाक के मामलों में विवाह से सम्बंधित तमाम तरह के लोकप्रचलित मानकों को भी जज को ध्यान में रखना पड़ता है खासकर तब जब वादी ने भी इसे अपने दाखिल पत्र में रखा हो एक बिंदु के रूप में।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">गुवाहाटी मामले में इसे आधार बनाया जाना गलत तो खैर है ही इसका कोई न्यायोचित कारण हो नहीं सकता लेकिन वादी ने इसे शामिल किया तो और आधारों में जज ने इसे भी जोड़ दिया। और इसलिए ये बहस छिड़ी। बाकी कारण और भी रहे जिसमें लड़की द्वारा लड़के को अपने माता पिता से अलग रहने औए दहेज़ के आरोप भी शामिल हैं।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">जो लोग सिंदूर और बिंदी पर बात कर रहे हैं उनमें से अधिकतर का तर्क एकदम सही है कि आप और आधारों पर दें फैसला कोई दिक्कत नहीं लेकिन इसको आधार बनाएँगे तो दिक्कत तो होनी ही है क्योंकि ये कहीं से भी नज़ीर के लायक नहीं। जिसे आगे किसी केस में कोट किया जा सकता है और फिर ये एक उदाहरण के रूप में स्थापित होने में वक़्त ही कितना लगेगा वो भी भारतीय समाज में जहाँ एकता कपूर के नाटकों की बहुओं के रूप को कोटे किया जाता हो बहुओं में संस्कार जगाने की घटिया मंशा के रूप में।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">परम्पराओं की बात तब तक भी झेली जा सकती है जब तक इसमें लैंगिक पूर्वाग्रह ना हो और ये लैंगिक निरपेक्ष आग्रह के रूप में हो। आप औरतों पर थोपते जाएँगे और आदमियों को फ्री हैण्ड करते जाएँगे वैवाहिक प्रतीकों के मामले तो दिक्कत तो सौ फीसदी होनी ही है क्योंकि जब आप काल परिप्रेक्ष्य जोड़ते हैं तो आप भी तो देखिए कि आप कौनसे काल की बात कर रहे हैं। पहले ऐसा होता था तो पहले तो बहुत कुछ होता था। </div><div style="text-align: justify;">भारतीय समाज में कम्फर्ट बहुत ही लैंगिक पक्षपात के रूप में रहा है क्योंकि इसकी झडें इतनी गहरी हैं कि खोदने पर सभ्यताओं के आक्रमण हो जाएँगे और जाने क्या क्या मिलेगा। बाकि गुवाहाटी वाले केस में तलाक सिर्फ उस आधार पर नहीं हुआ है लेकिन तमाम आधरों में से उस एक बेकार आधार पर जो बहस चल निकली है वो जारी रहनी चाहिए क्योंकि वो बहुत ज़रूरी है।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font size="5">अब आइए दिल्ली केस पर।</font></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-Cwv4Se0G8sE/XwAbtbRrUKI/AAAAAAAAAlc/g9xaqnsYQOsvQHCKMPcjofwOikvgskh8gCK4BGAsYHg/s1280/902284-890540-delhi-hc.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="1280" height="351" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-Cwv4Se0G8sE/XwAbtbRrUKI/AAAAAAAAAlc/g9xaqnsYQOsvQHCKMPcjofwOikvgskh8gCK4BGAsYHg/w625-h351/902284-890540-delhi-hc.jpg" width="625" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">दिल्ली हाईकोर्ट ने अपने एक फैसले में कहा है कि यदि नवविवाहिता अपने कमरे में रहती है और घरेलु कामकाज में रूचि नहीं लेती है तो ये कोई पति के खिलाफ क्रूरता का मामला नहीं बनता जिस पर तलाक मांग लिया जाए। कोर्ट ने कहा कि ये ससुराल वालों की भी ज़िम्मेदारी है की आप उसे अपनत्व महसूस करवाएँ। एकदम से कोई कैसे नए परिवेश में ढल सकता है।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">ये तो हुई दो बातें जिसमें एक में गलत बात को नज़ीर बनाया गया और दूसरे में ऐसी किसी बात को गलत नज़ीर बनने से रोका गया। चूड़ी, सिन्दूर, घरेलु कार्य, सबको साथ लेकर चलने की ज़िम्मेदारी, सबको खुश रखने की कवायद, बच्चा पैदा करके देना ही, हर तरह के सामंजस्य और समायोजन की उम्मीद रखना... अब देखिए शादी नामक संस्था की आधारभूत बातें है जो औरतों से अपेक्षित होती हैं। आदमियों से क्या अपेक्षित होता है शादी के बाद! यही कि कमाकर लाए, बच्चे पैदा होने के बाद उनकी शिक्षा का प्रबंध, पत्नी की जेवर कपड़ा दे, घर बनाकर दे, वगैरह वगैरह। इसमें पति पत्नी दोनों कमाते हों तो ये पारस्परिक सहयोग वाले पहलू पर शिफ्ट हो जाती हैं ज़िम्मेदारियाँ। लेकिन वो बोझ जो औरत पर ही रहता है वो किसी भी सूरत में आदमी पर शिफ्ट नहीं होता और शुरू होती है दिक्कतें यहाँ से।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">लोक अदालतों में मैंने कम से कम डेढ़ सौ से ऊपर और संस्था में तो खैर सैंकड़ों तलाक के मामलो में काउंसलिंग करी है। 75 प्रतिशत मामलों में तलाक पति पत्नी के झगड़ों की वजह से नहीं होते। जी हाँ। ज़्यादातर मामलो में ससुराल पक्ष, उनके रिश्तेदार और कुछ मामलों में पीहर पक्ष की वजह से होते हैं क्योंकि जब ये है ही एक संस्था तो इसमें पति पत्नी खुश हो ना हो परिवार और आस पड़ोस, समाज, रिश्तेदार खुश रहने चाहिए। भारतीय इन मामलों में कभी नहीं सुधरेंगे और इसीलिए मैं एक गैर सामाजिक इन्सान हूँ और मरते दम तक रहूँगी। खैर..</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">सबसे बड़ी दिक्कत ये है कि ब्याह भी करना है और ये स्वीकार भी नहीं करना है कि असल में ये दो लोगों का एक साथ नई जिंदगी शुरू करने का अति नाज़ुक मामला है। इसे ऐसे देखा जाता है कि <b>"ये तो करना ही पड़ेगा"</b>, <b>"यही सदियों से चला आ रहा रिवाज है"</b>, <b>"तुम कोई नई आई हो क्या"</b>, <b>"आदमी नहीं कमाएगा तो कौन कमाएगा, ये घर संभालता अच्छा लगता है क्या"</b>, <b>"आजकल तो सब अलग ही रहते हैं माँ बाप को साथ रखने की ज़रूरत क्या है"</b>, <b>"अब शादीशुदा है तो लगना भी तो पड़ेगा"</b> पचासों घिसी पीटी बातें और सड़े गले रिवाज़ जो घिसट घिसटकर खुद दम तोड़ने के कगार पर हैं और जिनकी वजह से जाने कितने घर टूट गए लेकिन लोग जोंक की तरह चिपककर रहने से बाज़ नहीं आते। अपना अपना ईगो।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">अरे जब ब्याह कर ही रहे हो तो समझो न इस बात को कि ज़िन्दगी किसके लिए जीना चाहते हो! प्राथमिकता किसकी ख़ुशी होनी चाहिए! दो लोग साथ मिलकर एक दूसरे की बजाय तीसरे को खुश क्यों करना चाहते हैं!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">एक लड़की तो अपना सब कुछ छोड़कर आती है। आप ये उम्मीद रखते हैं कि आते ही इसका नया अवतार हो जाए। अरे ऐसे कैसे भाई? और लड़की ये क्यों सोचे कि माँ बाप क्यों साथ रहें? क्या आप अपने माँ बाप के लिए ऐसा सोच पाती हैं?</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">लड़ते रहिए, घर आपके बर्बाद होते हैं लोग तो मरे हुए के खाने में भी नमक शक्कर की कमी निकाल आते हैं, आपके जख्मों पर भी नमक ही रगड़कर जाएँगे। नमक उनका प्रिय स्वाद है। शादी का मतलब प्यार से कहीं ज़्यादा सामंजस्य, समायोजन, बलिदान, समझौते और दोस्ती है, लोगों को खुश करते रहने की कवायद नहीं। जो रिवाज़ गले में सांप की तरह लटके हों और जिससे जीवन ज़हर हो रहा हो उसे त्यागकर आगे बढ़ने में समझदारी है क्योंकि ज़िंदगी प्यार और सम्मान मांगती है ये मटेरियल से बनी चीज़ें नहीं। आपके समाज की हालत तो ये है कि पति कॉफ़ी बनाकर दे दे तो उसे किस्मत से जोड़ दिया जाता है आप सोचिए आपको किस तरह की बातों के साथ बड़ा किया गया है कि ये सोच है आपकी। कैसा माहौल है हमारे यहाँ! ज़रूरत को भी लक बोल दिया जाता है।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">आदमियों द्वारा औरतों के लिए कॉफ़ी चाय बनाकर दे देना अगर किस्मत है तो आपको किस्मत को री डिफाइन करने की ज़रूरत है क्योंकि आपके इस बेकार से जुमले के अनुसार तो दुनिया सिर्फ और सिर्फ खुशकिस्मत आदमियों से भरी पड़ी है क्योंकि सदियों से औरतें रसोई में खप गई हैं उनके लिए। सीधी से बात है कि ज़रूरत को नसीब नहीं कहा जा सकता और ख्वाहिश को ख्वाब नहीं कहा जा सकता। पहले अपनी कंडीशनिंग सुधारिए फिर दूसरों की। हम स्वस्थ नहीं तो सामने वाले को भी सिवाय संक्रमण के और क्या देंगे। जो ये सब शौक से करते हैं उन्हें शौक से करने दीजिए और जो नहीं करना चाहते उनको मजबूर करके उनके मालिक मत बनिए।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">कोई माई का लाल किसी की ज़िन्दगी का मालिक नहीं है और फिर भी नहीं मानना तो आइए कोर्ट खुले ही हैं।</div><div style="text-align: justify;">बाकि गलत बातों को कोर्ट भी नज़ीर बनाएगा तो सुनेगा ही क्योंकि जज भगवान नहीं और हमारी सभ्यताओं में तो भगवन भी अपराधमुक्त नहीं हो पाए कभी। जो नहीं समझते उनके लिए ही कोर्ट में हम जैसे बैठे रहते हैं काउंसलिंग के लिए और जो समझते हैं वो कभी कोर्ट पहुँचते ही नहीं। शादी दो लोगों का पहले है मसला उसके बाद है किसी तीसरे का मसला। बस इतना समझना है बस इतना। और वो दो खुश नहीं तो किसी तीसरे को हरगिज़ खुश नहीं कर सकते वो इसलिए पहले उन्हें तो सुलझने दीजिए। बाकी आपकी इच्छा। शादी हुई है भई पुनर्जन्म नहीं। समझना दोनों को होगा।</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">जहाँ तक मेरी बात है तो मैं क्या पहनूँगी क्या नहीं इसका फैसला या तो मैं करूँगी या सिर्फ मैं करूँगी। पायल आभूषण समझकर पहनी है, बेड़ियाँ समझकर पैरों में जो डालेगा, उसी से उसके हाथ बाँध दूँगी। स्पष्ट है।</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(बहुत ही व्यापक स्तर पर बात करने वाला विषय है जिसमें बहुत सारे पहलू हैं। मैंने बस मामूली सी चीज़ें मोटे तौर पर शामिल की है। जटिल प्रक्रिया होती है ये बहुत ही)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><font size="5">*****************************************************</font></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><font size="5"><br /></font></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: poppins; font-size: 14px; text-align: center;">भारती गौड़ </div><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: poppins; font-size: 14px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #1d2129; font-family: helvetica, arial, sans-serif;">Author of जाह्नवी, Counsellor (Psychologist)</span></div></div>Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-21581331280083775672020-06-20T21:30:00.005-07:002020-06-21T00:44:02.258-07:00तुम गए ही नही पिता- संदीप नाइक<div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-izVaQcRSNnc/Xu8NXgwzs5I/AAAAAAAAAic/0kIS9yiqKjMKYRe2X-bfffsFqJxyw8puwCK4BGAsYHg/s1200/_c867e436-abdb-11ea-9025-3d4b53d18a13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="675" data-original-width="1200" height="439" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-izVaQcRSNnc/Xu8NXgwzs5I/AAAAAAAAAic/0kIS9yiqKjMKYRe2X-bfffsFqJxyw8puwCK4BGAsYHg/w781-h439/_c867e436-abdb-11ea-9025-3d4b53d18a13.jpg" width="781" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font color="#b51200" size="5"><b><br /></b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font color="#b51200" size="5"><b>अब चिट्ठियां आती नही तुम्हारे नाम - बिजली, फोन, मकान के टैक्स से लेकर राशन कार्ड तक में बदल गए है नाम </b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><b><br /></b></font></div><div><font color="#f57c00" size="5"><b>कोई डाक, पत्रिका, निमंत्रण तुम्हारे नाम के आते नही </b></font></div><div><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font color="#0b8043" size="5"><b>हमारे बड़े होने के ये नुकसान थे और एक सिरे से तुम्हारा नाम हर जगह गायब था </b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font color="#3367d6" size="5"><b>कितनी आसानी से नाम मिटा दिया जाता है हर दस्तावेज़ से और नाम के आगे स्वर्गीय लगाकर भूला दिया जाता है कि अब तो स्वर्ग में हो वसन्त बाबू और बच्चें तुम्हारे ऐश कर रहें हैं</b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font color="#7b1fa2" size="5"><b>बच्चों से पूछता नही कोई कि बच्चें कितना ख़ाली पाते हैं अपने आपको कि हर दस्तावेज़ से नाम मिटाकर अपना जुड़वाने में कितनी तकलीफ़ हुई थी और अब जब बरसों से सब कुछ बिसरा दिया गया है तो नाम भी लेने पर काँप जाती है घर की नींव जिसमे तुम्हारे पसीने और खून की खुशबू पसरी है </b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><b>घर में मिल जाती है कोई पुरानी याद तो घर के दरवाज़े और छतें सिसकियों से भर उठती है रात के उचाट सन्नाटों में ..</b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><b><br /></b></font></div><div><font size="5"><b>************************************************</b></font></div><div><font size="5"><b><br /></b></font></div><div><font size="5"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hjUVdo4tAOM/Xu8KBhbkStI/AAAAAAAAAiA/E9UXbjEgnGkC5RhMej1qnJ-_EDBh5PMHgCK4BGAsYHg/s1147/WhatsApp%2BImage%2B2019-07-31%2Bat%2B22.09.28.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1144" data-original-width="1147" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hjUVdo4tAOM/Xu8KBhbkStI/AAAAAAAAAiA/E9UXbjEgnGkC5RhMej1qnJ-_EDBh5PMHgCK4BGAsYHg/s320/WhatsApp%2BImage%2B2019-07-31%2Bat%2B22.09.28.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: poppins; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;"><div style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b>संदीप नाईक </b></div><div style="text-align: center;">सी 55, कालानी बाग</div><div style="text-align: center;">देवास मप्र 455001</div><div style="text-align: center;">मोबाइल 9425919221</div></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: poppins; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;"><div style="font-family: poppins; text-align: center;">(देवास मप्र में रहते है, 34 वर्ष विभिन्न प्रकार के कामों और नौकरियों को करके इन दिनों फ्री लांस काम करते है. अंग्रेज़ी साहित्य और समाज कार्य मे दीक्षित संदीप का लेखन से गहरा सरोकार है, एक कहानी संकलन " नर्मदा किनारे से बेचैनी की कथाएँ" आई है जिसे हिंदी के प्रतिष्ठित वागीश्वरी सम्मान से नवाज़ा गया है , इसके अतिरिक्त देश की श्रेष्ठ पत्रिकाओं में सौ से ज़्यादा कविताएं , 150 से ज्यादा आलेख, पुस्तक समीक्षाएं और ज्वलंत विषयों पर शोधपरक लेख प्रकाशित है)</div></div></div><b><br /></b></font></div>Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-35103881623440528632020-06-16T12:30:00.000-07:002020-06-17T11:00:17.652-07:00पुरुषों में बढ़ते डिप्रेशन का ग्राफ- भारती गौड़<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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भारत में पुरुषों की तुलना में महिलाओं में डिप्रेशन अधिक होता है किन्तु आत्महत्या पुरुष ज़्यादा करते हैं। क्यों.. आइये बताती हूँ।</div>
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मैं ज़्यादा नहीं लेकिन थोड़े बहुत आँकड़े रखना चाहूँगी जिससे तस्वीर साफ़ हो। मैं अगर मेरे राजस्थान विशेष की बात करूँ तो बीते दस बरसों में 14 हज़ार 719 महिलाओं ने जबकि 34 हज़ार 249 और एक ट्रांसजेंडर ने राजस्थान में आत्महत्या की।</div>
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महिलाओं में डिप्रेशन ज़्यादा होता है पुरुषों की तुलना में लेकिन आत्महत्या पुरुष ज़्यादा करते हैं महिलाओं की तुलना में क्योंकि पुरुषों में डिप्रेशन होता है ये बात आपके समाज में पहले स्तर पर तो स्वीकार नहीं की जाती। जब स्वीकार ही नहीं की जाती आसानी से तो इलाज और उबरना भी उतना ही मुश्किल रहेगा। कहाँ जाकर दिल खाली करें!</div>
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कैसे... वो ऐसे...</div>
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सख्ती की चादर, मर्दवादी कंडीशनिंग, कठोर ह्रदय, मर्द को दर्द नहीं होता, यार मैं भी बिखर गया तो कैसे चलेगा... खुद ही के खिलाफ खुद के द्वारा खड़ी की गई दीवारें जिनको अभेद्य बनाने के जतन भी स्वयं द्वारा। कठोरता का आवरण और उस पर बेदर्दी से सीमेंट चढ़ाकर और पक्का कर देना।</div>
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मेरे पास लड़के ज्यादा आते हैं डिप्रेशन के पेशेंट्स।</div>
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<ul>
<li><b><i>'मर्द होकर रोता है!'</i></b></li>
<li><b><i>लड़का होकर लड़कियों की तरह आँसू बहा रहा है!'</i></b></li>
<li><b><i>शर्म आनी चाहिए इससे अच्छा तो लड़की ही पैदा हो जाता!'</i></b></li>
<li><b><i>'अब आदमी ज़ात को कहाँ शोभा देता है यूँ टूटना!'</i></b></li>
<li><b><i>'मर्द भी यूँ रोने लगे तब तो चल गया घर!'</i></b></li>
<li><b><i>'इसको किस बात का डिप्रेशन, सुंदर बीवी, बच्चे, अच्छी खासी नौकरी!'</i></b></li>
<li><b><i>'मर्द है भी कि नहीं! देखो तो कैसे कोने में बैठकर रो रहा है!' आदि इत्यादि।</i></b></li>
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मैं एक बात कोट करना नहीं भूलती हूँ कि घर से मिली कंडीशनिंग आपका मरते दम तक पीछा नहीं छोड़ती चाहे अच्छी हो चाहे बुरी और दुर्भाग्यवश जेंडर के मामले में हमारे यहाँ बहुत गंदगी मची हुई है।</div>
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लड़का है तो नौकरी करनी ही होगी। सपने में भी नहीं सोच सकता कि घर संभाल ले। उसको सहूलियत ही नहीं कि बिना नौकरी का सोचे जीवन बिता दे। अपवाद की बात हम नहीं करेंगे क्योंकि उससे उदाहरण नहीं बनते।दबाव की बाते करें तो ये सिर्फ समाज या परिवार का ही बनाया हुआ नहीं है पुरुषों पर, ये उनका स्वयं का भी पैदा किया हुआ है।</div>
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">तनाव/विषाद और स्ट्रेस (प्रतिबल) क्या होता है:</span></b></div>
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परिस्थितियाँ, जो व्यक्ति को समायोजन और समाधान से दूर ले जाती हैं, उसमें संवेगात्मक विचलन और विरोध पैदा करती है, तनाव के रूप में सामने आती हैं। ऊपरी तौर पर ना भी उस तरह से दिखाई दे किन्तु अन्दर ही अन्दर इस कदर संचय हो जाता है तनाव का कि व्यक्तित्व में जटिलता आ जाती है फलस्वरूप दिनचर्या से लगाकर मानसिक स्वास्थ्य तक इसकी ज़द में आकर भयंकर परिणाम की और निकल पड़ते हैं।</div>
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स्ट्रेस क्या है; दबावपूर्ण परिस्थितियों में स्वयं को असमायोजन से भरी मानसिक जटिलताओं से घिरा हुआ पाना।</div>
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साधारण शब्दों में कहूँ तो कुल मिलाकर समायोजन न कर पाना ही आपका तनाव है, प्रतिबल है जिसके फलस्वरूप <i><b>अंतर्द्वंद (conflict), कुंठा (frustration) और दबाव (pressure)</b></i> पैदा होते हैं।</div>
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<b>अंतर्द्वंद-</b> अंतर्द्वंद तब होता है जब दो विरोधी उद्दीपक( परिस्थितियाँ) उत्पन्न हो जाए और दोनों को एक साथ पाने की ललक हो और वो संभव ना हो।</div>
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<b>कुंठा-</b> उन दो विरोधी प्रेरकों को ना पाने से उत्पन्न स्थिति कुंठा है।</div>
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<b>दबाव-</b> उपर्युक्त वर्णित दोनों अवस्थाओं से निकलने या उनको जीतने की स्थिति।</div>
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कमोबेश एक ही तरह के कारण होते हैं महिलाओं और पुरुषों के तनाव के किन्तु पुरुषों में कुछ बातें अलग तरह से दबाव डालती हैं यथा;</div>
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<li>पुरुषत्व का दबाव; जो मैंने सबसे पहले ऊपर बताया।</li>
<li>पुरुषों के रोने पर उन्हें शर्मिंदगी महसूस करवाना।</li>
<li>खुद स्वीकार न करना कि हम अवसाद में हैं।</li>
<li>पारिवारिक दबाव जिसमें सदियों पुरानी कंडीशनिंग से लगाकर उसे आज तक पीढ़ी दर पीढ़ी हस्तान्तरित करती पारिवारिक और सामाजिक इकाईयाँ।</li>
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">क्यों होता है डिप्रेशन:</span></b><br />
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<li>जैविक करक; इसमें संक्रामक रोग, शारीरिक आघात, आहार से सम्बंधित दोष, नशा आती इत्यादि आते हैं।</li>
<li>मनोवैज्ञानिक करक; इसमें कुंठा, असफलताएँ, हानियाँ, पर्सनल लिमिटेशंस, फीलिंग ऑफ़ गिल्ट, असंबद्धता और निरर्थकता, अंतर्द्वंद, दबाव आदि आते हैं।</li>
<li>सामाजिक कारक; इसमें राजनीतिक उथल पुथल, युद्ध हिंसा, समूह पूर्वाग्रह और उससे उपजे पक्षपात एवं विवाद आदि।</li>
<li>आर्थिक और कार्य से सम्बंधित कारक, विवाह और निजी रिश्तों से उपजी समस्याएँ जिनका कैनवास बहुत फैला हुआ है, कारकों में आते हैं।</li>
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मेरे पास आने वाले डिप्रेशन के पेशेंट्स को सबसे पहले मैं एक ही काम करवाती हूँ और वो है खुलकर रोना। जितने सेशंस हो जाएँ तो हो जाएँ, रोइए पहले। कहना नहीं पड़ता, उनके अवसाद को जगह मिलते ही वो रोना चाहते हैं और रोते हैं।</div>
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एक बात बहुत स्पष्ट रूप से बता देना चाहती हूँ कि जो रो नहीं सकते वो मजबूत नहीं बल्कि उन्हें हार्मोन्स से सम्बंधित समस्या है इसलिए किसी के ना रोने को ग्लोरिफाई मत कीजिए ये उनके लिए चिंता का विषय है।</div>
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पुरुषों के अवसाद को स्पेस नहीं मिलता क्योंकि जो कारण मैंने ऊपर बताएँ हैं जिसमें उन पर थोपे गए कारणों के साथ साथ उनके खुद के भी पैदा किए गए कारन मुख्य हैं। ये मुख्या वजह है कि विषद होता औरतों में ज़्यादा है किन्तु आत्महत्या पुरुष ज़्यादा करते हैं।</div>
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आप अपनी ज़िंदगी में पुरुषों को ना सिर्फ इनके रोने का स्पेस दें, सहूलियत दें, बल्कि उनके द्वारा की जा रही आत्महत्याओं को रोकने में अहम् भूमिका निभा सके हैं।</div>
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क्या औरत और क्या पुरुष, इस समाज में आपको चारों तरफ बराबर से पुरुष के रोने को कायरता से जोड़ते लोग मिलते हैं। क्यों हैं ऐसा?</div>
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आपको तो ये भी कहाँ पता है कि पुरुष ज़्यादा आत्महत्या करते हैं क्योंकि वो अपने अवसाद से लड़ नहीं पाते वही पुरुष जिसे मर्द शब्द से इतना खोखला कर दिया गया है कि खुद को मार देने से उसे परहेज़ नहीं और इस बीमार ग्रंथि को पोसने वाले जहाँ तक नज़रें दौड़ाएंगे, नज़र आएँगे।</div>
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रोने क्यों नहीं देते आप पुरुषों को! रोना कोई मानसिक अवस्था नहीं है। शारीरिक है। हार्मोन्स से जुड़ी हुई है। आप कौन होते हैं उसे रोकने वाले। भूख लगी खाना खाया, प्यास लगी पानी पिया, शरीर की तलब लगी सेक्स किया तो रोना आया तो रोए क्यों नहीं?</div>
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ये तो बात हुई समाज और परिवार की जिसकी वजह से पुरुषों में अवसाद उन्हें एक अलग स्तर पर ले जाने वाले कारणों में से अहम् भूमिका में है।<br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">आप ही के द्वारा डिप्रेशन से छुटकारा पाने के तरीकों पर।</span></b><br />
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<span style="background-color: transparent;">1. स्त्रोत- उस स्त्रोत की पहचान कीजिए जिससे तनाव पैदा हुआ और जगह घेरता जा रहा है।</span></div>
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2. अहम्- पुरुषों में एक नेचुरल अहम् की प्रवर्ती होती है जिसकी वजह से वो स्वीकार करने में बहुत वक़्त लगा देते हैं, तो उससे दूर होने के लिए थोड़ा होम वर्क कीजिए और अपने से अपोज़िट जेंडर वाले व्यक्ति के सामने अपनी बात रखिए।</div>
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3. काम को अंजाम देने की सक्रियता और निष्क्रियता में स्पष्ट अंतर पहचानिए। करना चाहते भी हैं या नहीं कोई काम या करना चाहते हैं लेकिन एफ्फ़र्ट्स ही नहीं हैं।</div>
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4. तनाव को खदेड़ने की प्रत्यक्ष प्रतिक्रियाएँ बनाम अप्रत्यक्ष प्रतिक्रियाएँ-</div>
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4.1 प्रत्यक्ष में स्थायी समाधान मिलेगा आपको जैसे कि अटैक; इसमें सीधी कार्यवाही परिस्थितियों और अवांछित लोगों के प्रति। साधारण शब्दों में कहूँ तो वस्तुनिष्ठ निर्णय ना कि व्यक्तिनिष्ठ।</div>
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4.2 वापसी(withdrawal) इसके लिए मैं आपको अभी का ताज़ा उदाहरण दूँगी। जैसे कोरोना। आपके पास इससे लड़ने के रास्ते अभी नहीं है इसलिए इससे दूर रहना और भागना आपको बचाएगा। हर वक़्त सामना करना और लड़ना भी समझदारी नहीं है। कभी कभी आपको भागना भी पड़ता है और वो भागना पॉजिटिव है।</div>
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4.3 समझौता- इसमें समझौतापूर्ण संधान मदद करेगा। मतलब अड़े ना रहना किसी बात पर जिससे तनाव बढ़ता जाए।</div>
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4.4 अप्रत्यक्ष प्रतिक्रियाओं में मनोवैज्ञानिक स्तर पर समाधान आते हैं। मैंने पिछले लेख में इस पर डिटेल में लिखा है तो इसके लिए आप उस पर जाएँ।</div>
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5. डिप्रेशन में सबसे ज़्यादा कारगर समाधान कार्य निर्देशित प्रतिक्रियाएँ (task oriented reactions) ही हैं। ऑटोमेटिक और सुनियोजित तरीके इसमें मुख्य हैं जैसे;</div>
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5.1 समस्या को पहले स्तर पर समझना।</div>
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5.2 वैकल्पिक समाधान पर जाना।</div>
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5.3 सेफ निर्णय लेना।</div>
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5.4 फोलोअप करना।<br />
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दोस्तों सब तरीकों पर भरी पड़ता है एक तरीका और वो है रोना और खूब रोना। रोने के लिए सामाजिक अनुमोदन की ज़रूरत नहीं है जिस दिन आप खुद भी ये बात औरतों की तरह समझ जाएँगे, बहुत कुछ सुलझ जाएगा।</div>
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रोने से समस्या नहीं सुलझती कहने वालों से सोशल डिसटेंसिंग बनाए रखिए। पुरुषों को रोने पर ताने मारने वालों में स्वयं पुरुषों के अलावा औरतों की भी बहुत बड़ी भागीदारी है इसलिए आज से और अभी से आप जब भी किसी को "मर्द" होने का हवाला देकर रोने से रोके तब समझ ले कि आप गुनाहगार है उसके अवसाद को एक कदम और आगे धकेलने में।</div>
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मैं उन लोगों के लिए लिखती हूँ जिन्हें मेरी ज़रूरत है और जो ठीक होना चाहते हैं। जो ना तो खुद ठीक हैं और ना किसी को ठीक होता देखना चाहते हैं अपने "इफ" और "बट" के साथ ऐसे लोगों को एक सेकंड के लिए भी बर्दाश्त नहीं किया जाएगा।</div>
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पिछले लेखों के सन्दर्भ के बिना ना पढ़ें, चूक सकते हैं। एक लेख में सब कुछ समाहित हो भी नहीं सकता।</div>
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जो पुरुष स्वीकार कर सकते हैं कि वो डिप्रेशन में हैं और जो रोते हैं वो सबसे मजबूत हैं। ध्यान रखिए क्योंकि ये प्राकृतिक है।</div>
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भारती गौड़ </div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Author of जाह्नवी, Counsellor (Psychologist)</span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-73096470081826969792020-06-13T22:30:00.015-07:002020-06-16T09:52:43.714-07:00खून की बून्द और लाखों जीवन- संदीप नाईक<div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-9bdPIVwCbao/XujxINjRofI/AAAAAAAAAeo/xWaX2NDFelI8v2YvuLbKjENn8O8Nx8yoQCK4BGAsYHg/s1080/cover-blood-1080x675.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="675" data-original-width="1080" height="391" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-9bdPIVwCbao/XujxINjRofI/AAAAAAAAAeo/xWaX2NDFelI8v2YvuLbKjENn8O8Nx8yoQCK4BGAsYHg/w625-h391/cover-blood-1080x675.png" width="625" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">फोन की घण्टी बजती है स्क्रीन पर कोई अनजान नंबर है मैं फोन उठाता हूँ हेलो कहता हूँ और उधर से हड़बड़ाहट में आवाज आती है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"></font></div><blockquote><div style="text-align: justify;"><font color="#f57c00" size="5">" हेलो सर , आपका नम्बर सुधीर ने दिया है मुझे मेरे बच्चे के लिए खून चाहिए, ओ निगेटिव ग्रुप है सर प्लीज़ कुछ इंतज़ाम करवा दीजिये हम लोग बाहर के है किसी को जानते नही है "</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div></blockquote><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">ये पैनिक कॉल है उनके लिए जो अचानक से मुसीबत में आ गए है पर उनके लिए यह पैनिक नही है जिन्हें फोन आया है , वे जवाब देते हैं हां देखते है किसी को खोजते है और फोन रख दिया जाता है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">जिसे खून चाहिए अपने किसी भी परिजन के लिए या दोस्त के लिए वो लगातार फोन घूमा रहा है पर डोनर नही मिल रहे, मिल भी रहे तो व्यस्त है , शहर से बाहर है, काम पर है या अभी कल ही किसी को दिया था अब तीन माह दे नही पायेंगे - ये कुछ जवाब है जो अमूमन रक्त की मांग करने पर मिलते है. मुश्किल से पांच या दस प्रतिशत लोग हाँ कहते है और समय पर बताई हुई निर्धारित जगह पर खून देने जाते है </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font color="#d52c1f" size="6">मान्यताएं और समस्या </font></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-AHM8vbx_cpk/XujyvauDj6I/AAAAAAAAAfE/cCUmPJ1jaZwDw_yPEnWgq9dWP2c9ARcPACK4BGAsYHg/s2408/blood-donation-myths_50291182ba7e8_w1500.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2408" data-original-width="1487" height="781" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-AHM8vbx_cpk/XujyvauDj6I/AAAAAAAAAfE/cCUmPJ1jaZwDw_yPEnWgq9dWP2c9ARcPACK4BGAsYHg/w485-h781/blood-donation-myths_50291182ba7e8_w1500.png" width="485" /></a></div><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">भारतीय समाज मे रक्तदान अभी भी मिथकों के बीच गुजर रहा है रक्त जैसी चीज के लिए हम अभी भी मनुष्य के दान पर ही निर्भर है और इसका मनुष्य के अतिरिक्त कोई विकल्प नही है परंतु मान्यताएं और कई सारे ऐसे मानवीय पहलू है जिन्होंने इसे प्रचलित किया और समाज मे स्वीकार्य बनाया है , आज बहुत से लोग इसे अपना पुनीत कर्तव्य मानते हुए सर्वोच्च प्राथमिकता पर रखकर रक्तदान करते है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">स्वास्थ्य की एक शासकीय परियोजना में काम करते हुए देखता था कि आदिवासी क्षेत्रों के दूरस्थ इलाकों से महिलाएं जचकी के लिए शासकीय अस्पतालों में संस्थागत प्रसव के लिए आती थी जिनका हीमोग्लोबिन फूल टर्म पर चार या पांच ग्राम प्रति लीटर होता था, जब उनके पति या रिश्तेदारों से खून देने की अपील की जाती तो वे कहते थे कि हम खून नही देंगे - बीबी मरती हो तो मर जाये, पूछने पर कहते थे कि खून देने से कमजोरी आती है और नपुंसकता बढ़ती है , यह हालत तो हुई ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों की जहां कुपोषण या अल्प पोषण से महिलाएं कमजोर और गम्भीर एनीमिया की शिकार रहती है साथ ही चार से छह बच्चों को जन्म देना उनकी नियति बन जाता है पर शहरी क्षेत्रों में हालात बहुत अच्छे नही है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">मेरे जानने वालों में कई मित्रों के बच्चे है जो थैलेसीमिया से पीड़ित है और उन्हें हर माह खून की जरूरत पड़ती है पर शहरी इलाकों में एक यूनिट खून का इंतज़ाम करने में अक्सर हाथ पांव फूल जाते है, कई गम्भीर रोग है जिनमे मरीजों को नियमित रूप से खून की आवश्यकता होती है , मेरे छोटे भाई की किडनी सन 2003 में जब फेल हुई तो उसका डायलिसिस चालू हुआ , दो वर्षों बाद ही उसे हर डायलिसिस के समय एक यूनिट खून की आवश्यकता पड़ने लगी, जान - पहचान में अक्सर मैं निगाह रखता था कि कौन सम्भावित रक्तदाता हो सकता था यहाँ तक कि मैंने मित्रों, रिश्तेदारों के नाम के साथ उनका रक्त समूह भी फोन बुक में सेव कर लिया था मसलन अंबुज "ओ पॉजिटिव" सोनी आदि और जब ये नम्बर बार बार आंखों के सामने से गुजरते तो हमेशा याद रहता , भाई का डायलिसिस उसकी मृत्यु यानि 2014 तक चला और मैं हर हफ्ते दो दानदाताओं की तलाश में रहता , रिज़र्व दाताओं की एक पृथक सूची थी उस समय व्यक्तिगत सम्बन्धों के आधार पर ही रक्त मिलता था</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font color="#d52c1f" size="6">जीवन का ध्येय बनाये है </font></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-yZToHJcmS6I/XujzNtvyZbI/AAAAAAAAAfY/khOpFZoChYQpxfCdW4CSL7D5HSbjqvn4ACK4BGAsYHg/s700/pjimage-48-1.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="415" data-original-width="700" height="373" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-yZToHJcmS6I/XujzNtvyZbI/AAAAAAAAAfY/khOpFZoChYQpxfCdW4CSL7D5HSbjqvn4ACK4BGAsYHg/w625-h373/pjimage-48-1.jpg" width="625" /></a></div><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">आज सोशल मीडिया से लेकर विभिन्न संगठनों और समाजों के रक्तदाताओं के समूह बने है, वाट्सएप समूह है जहां अपील करने पर थोड़ी सुलभता से रक्त मिल जाता है, रेडियो पर भी आप खून की आवश्यकता के लिए उदघोषणा करवा सकते है , ब्लड बैंक में डोनर्स की सूची होती है. साथ ही अनेक लोगों ने इसे अपना ध्येय बना लिया है इंदौर में दीपक नाईक के लिए रक्तदान सबसे बड़ी और जरूरी प्राथमिकता है , उन्होंने अभी तक 128 रक्त दान करके रिकॉर्ड बनाया है - वे कहते है रक्त ऐसी चीज है जो बाज़ार में उपलब्ध नही है, इसलिये मेरे जीवन का उद्देश्य ही अब यही है, मेरे साथ मेरी टीम में सैंकड़ो लोग जुड़े है - हमे सूचना मिलने पर हममें से कोई भी तुरन्त रक्त दान करने पहुंच जाता है, दीपक कहते है अब हम थोड़ा सावधान भी है - हम कोशिश करते है कि रक्त उन लोगों को मिलें जो बच्चे है, युवा है और जिनमे जीवन की संभावना है, केंसर आदि जैसे गम्भीर मरीजों को देना अच्छी बात है पर इन्हें नियमित चाहिये और अंत सबको मालूम है इसलिये हम अब कोशिश करते है कि सम्भावनों से भरे जीवन को मदद पहुंचे, लोग रक्त का कई बार ग़लत इस्तेमाल भी करते है, कई रैकेट इसमें शामिल है बेहतर होता है कि आप इंदौर में है तो एमवहाय अस्पताल के ब्लड बैंक में जाकर दान करें और सम्पर्क करें जहां सेवा भावी समर्पित लोगों की टीम पूरी पारदर्शिता से काम करती है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">सुनील धर्माधिकारी एक बैंक में काम करते है साथ ही समाज कार्य मे उनकी रुचि है - अपने मित्र प्रशांत बडवे के साथ मिलकर वे तरुण युवा मंच संचालित करते है जिसमे पांच सौ से ज्यादा युवा जुड़े है, ये युवा सूचना मिलने पर तुरन्त रक्तदान करने पहुंच जाते है और यह सब सेवा भाव से किया जाता है, सुनील बताते है कि बस हमे सूचना सही समय पर मिलना चाहिये - अभी प्रवासी मजदूरों के केस में एबी रोड इंदौर से लाखों लोग निकलें, तरुण युवा मंच ने जहां भोजन आदि की व्यवस्था की वही रोगियों को, गर्भवती महिलाओं को प्रसव के दौरान रक्त भी उपलब्ध करवाया </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">पटना के कुमार प्रतिष्क अपने महाविद्यालय के छात्रों के साथ पटना शहर और आस पास के जिलों में रक्तदान करने वालों का समूह चलाते है, चमकी बुखार के समय उन्हें यह काम करने की प्रेरणा मिली और तब से वे इस पुनीत कार्य मे जुटे हुए है , वे कहते है " अभी भी रक्तदान को।लेकर पढ़े लिखें युवाओं में भ्रांतियां है , हम लगातार बात करके, डॉक्टर्स के व्याख्यान करवा कर उनकी शंकाओं को दूर करते है और रक्तदान के लिए प्रेरित करते है वे कहते है "रक्तदान महादान के मुहिम से जुड़ने पर हमें इससे जुड़ी कुछ परेशानियां भी देखने को मिली </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">कई बार ऐसा होता है कि घर में बाकी सदस्यों में होने के बावजूद ब्लड के लिए कॉल करते हैं उन्हें यह लगता है कि इनका तो काम ही है ,इनसे व्यवस्था हो जाएगा,खुद देकर क्या करें , इस वजह से ऐसा भी होता है कि जिन्हें असल में जरूरत होती और जिनके पास उपलब्ध हो इसमें फर्क कर पाना मुश्किल होता है </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">इसमें कोई दो राय नहीं की कोई भी व्यक्ति अपनी रुचि या समाज के प्रति अपनी जिम्मेदारी समझते हुए ऐसे मुहिम से जुड़ते हैं , पर चंद लोग ऐसे भी होते हैं जो अपने निजी स्वार्थ या कह लें पैसों के लिए इन सारे मुहिम से जुड़ कर इसे दूषित भी करते हैं. हम लोगों के पास भी कई ऐसे फोन कॉल आए जिसमें उन्होंने यह कहा की व्यवस्था करवा दीजिए रुपयों की चिंता मत कीजिए , पता नही शायद या तो मालूम नहीं कि रक्त पैसों में नहीं मिलता या वह समझते कि पैसा देख अच्छे अच्छे लोग बुरे बन जाते </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">वास्तविकता यह है कि जब तक लोग ऐसे कार्यों से जुड़े लोगों को सराहने के साथ साथ खुद की मुहिम का हिस्सा नहीं बनेंगे तब तक रक्त की कमी से जान जाती रहेगी" </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font color="#d52c1f" size="6">रक्तदान दिवस </font></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-4IRUOn0pKAc/Xujzi6jkRBI/AAAAAAAAAfw/b2Cv1YjZtFEBY96U8H_Q76H6Ces8UMqOQCK4BGAsYHg/s650/World-Blood-Donor-Day-21592101891120.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="540" data-original-width="650" height="520" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-4IRUOn0pKAc/Xujzi6jkRBI/AAAAAAAAAfw/b2Cv1YjZtFEBY96U8H_Q76H6Ces8UMqOQCK4BGAsYHg/w625-h520/World-Blood-Donor-Day-21592101891120.jpg" width="625" /></a></div><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">विश्व रक्तदान दिवस हर वर्ष 14 जून को मनाया जाता है विश्व स्वास्थ्य संगठन द्वारा इस दिन को रक्तदान दिवस के रूप में घोषित किया गया है. देश मे नेशनल एड्स कंट्रोल संस्थान, रेडक्रॉस के साथ कई स्वैच्छिक संगठन है जो रक्तदान को बढ़ावा देने का काम करते है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">रक्त हमारे शरीर का वह तरल पदार्थ है जो शरीर की कोशिकाओं को आवश्यक पोषक तत्व व ऑक्सीजन पहुंचाने का काम करता है . रक्त की कमी के कारण देशभर में लाखों लोग अपनी जान गंवा देते हैं.</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">मूलतः रक्त 4 प्रकार के होते हैं <b><i>A, B, AB और O</i></b></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">हर ग्रुप में RhD एंटीजेन पॉजिटिव और RhD एंटीजेन नेगेटिव के वजह से कुल 8 ग्रुप बन जाते हैं. एक औसत व्यक्ति के शरीर में 10 यूनिट यानि (5-6 लीटर) रक्त होता है. रक्तदान में केवल 1 यूनिट रक्त ही लिया जाता है. एक बार रक्तदान से आप 3 लोगों की जिंदगी बचा सकते हैं</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font color="#d52c1f" size="6">कौन कर सकते हैं रक्तदान</font></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-S2IToyegvXA/Xuj0SJ_B_cI/AAAAAAAAAgQ/7b9wlCGZi84RbJozDpVGqXu4uPr3NiQYQCK4BGAsYHg/s1697/thequint-fit_2018-06_a5fcf4df-7fe9-4434-98a5-e733a28fe871_Blood_Donation_1.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1697" data-original-width="1300" height="625" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-S2IToyegvXA/Xuj0SJ_B_cI/AAAAAAAAAgQ/7b9wlCGZi84RbJozDpVGqXu4uPr3NiQYQCK4BGAsYHg/w479-h625/thequint-fit_2018-06_a5fcf4df-7fe9-4434-98a5-e733a28fe871_Blood_Donation_1.jpg" width="479" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">18 से 60 वर्ष की आयु तक का कोई भी स्वस्थ व्यक्ति रक्तदान कर सकता हैं, अगर आपका वजन 45 किलो से ज्यादा है और शरीर मे हीमोग्लोबिन 12% से ज्यादा है तो आप रक्तदान कर सकते हैं. रक्त दाता का वजन, पल्स रेट, ब्लड प्रेशर, बॉडी टेम्परेचर आदि चीजों के सामान्य पाए जाने पर ही डॉक्टर्स या ब्लड डोनेशन टीम के सदस्य आपका ब्लड लेते हैं. NACO के मुताबिक 1 स्वस्थ व्यक्ति हर 3 महीने पे 1 बार रक्तदान कर सकता है</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><font color="#d52c1f" size="6"><b>कौन नही कर सकते रक्तदान</b></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-JbuL65x2Hpo/Xuj0tozi8yI/AAAAAAAAAgk/VkOa_LnUQSUBkZAtBq1lvRVGzMxrd-6HwCK4BGAsYHg/s1024/YOU%252BCAN%252B_CAN%25C2%25B4T%252BDONATE%252BBLOOD.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="768" data-original-width="1024" height="469" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-JbuL65x2Hpo/Xuj0tozi8yI/AAAAAAAAAgk/VkOa_LnUQSUBkZAtBq1lvRVGzMxrd-6HwCK4BGAsYHg/w625-h469/YOU%252BCAN%252B_CAN%25C2%25B4T%252BDONATE%252BBLOOD.jpg" width="625" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">पीरियड से गुजर रही या बच्चे को स्तनपान कराने वाली महिलाएं रक्तदान नहीं कर सकतीं, रक्तदान के 48 घंटे पहले अगर किसी ने एल्कोहल का सेवन किया है तो रक्तदान नहीं कर सकता, 18 साल से कम उम्र वाला व्यक्ति और 65 वर्ष से अधिक साल का व्यक्ति रक्तदान नहीं कर सकता, अर्थात रक्तदान के लिए वही लोग योग्य होते हैं, जिनका वज़न 40 किलो से अधिक होता है.</font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font color="#d52c1f" size="6">रक्तदान को लेकर गलत भ्रांतियां</font></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-eI79zgqCHzU/Xuj1GZaFeKI/AAAAAAAAAhA/73rjISDZiTQf9i7SO59glqNOo9PjU-MagCK4BGAsYHg/s971/blooddonation-mos8_042517051611.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="971" data-original-width="647" height="781" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-eI79zgqCHzU/Xuj1GZaFeKI/AAAAAAAAAhA/73rjISDZiTQf9i7SO59glqNOo9PjU-MagCK4BGAsYHg/w520-h781/blooddonation-mos8_042517051611.jpg" width="520" /></a></div><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><ul><li><font size="5"><b>रक्तदान से कमजोरी होती है </b></font></li><li><font size="5"><b>रक्तदान से शरीर मे खून की कमी हो जाती है </b></font></li><li><font size="5"><b>रक्तदान करने से हमेसा चक्कर आती है </b></font></li></ul></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">पर ऐसा कुछ भी सही नही है </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><font color="#d52c1f" size="6">रक्तदान के फायदे</font></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-6zeBjgE5fZs/Xuj1fdC3vrI/AAAAAAAAAhU/cwo6mjtYrocAjeq7ynsFRNv56T79H1KvQCK4BGAsYHg/s453/images-14.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="325" data-original-width="453" height="450" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-6zeBjgE5fZs/Xuj1fdC3vrI/AAAAAAAAAhU/cwo6mjtYrocAjeq7ynsFRNv56T79H1KvQCK4BGAsYHg/w625-h450/images-14.jpeg" width="625" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">एक रिसर्च में पाया गया की रक्तदान के कई फायदे भी होते हैं - जैसे हार्ट अटैक, मधुमेह, कैंसर की आशंका कम होन. शरीर में कोलेस्टॉल की मात्रा घटना. शरीर में ज्यादा आयरन होना भी शरीर के लिए हानिकारक हो जाता है. रक्तदान करने से आयरन की मात्रा भी शरीर में नियंत्रित रहती है. </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5">इस समय आवष्यकता इस बात की है कि रक्तदान से सम्बंधित भ्रांतियां दूर कर जागरूकता बढ़ाई जाए ताकि लाखो जान बचाई जा सकें </font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><font size="6">************************************</font></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><font size="5"><br /></font></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-rl4Z-31Ru5A/Xujtuf0OWUI/AAAAAAAAAeM/G-KeV0uFOLsaLuwtn2tdy1aHg0N4xtxlACK4BGAsYHg/s1147/WhatsApp%2BImage%2B2019-07-31%2Bat%2B22.09.28.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1144" data-original-width="1147" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-rl4Z-31Ru5A/Xujtuf0OWUI/AAAAAAAAAeM/G-KeV0uFOLsaLuwtn2tdy1aHg0N4xtxlACK4BGAsYHg/s320/WhatsApp%2BImage%2B2019-07-31%2Bat%2B22.09.28.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b>संदीप नाईक </b></div><div style="text-align: center;">सी 55, कालानी बाग</div><div style="text-align: center;">देवास मप्र 455001</div><div style="text-align: center;">मोबाइल 9425919221</div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div style="background-color: white; color: #252525; font-family: poppins; text-align: center;">(देवास मप्र में रहते है, 34 वर्ष विभिन्न प्रकार के कामों और नौकरियों को करके इन दिनों फ्री लांस काम करते है. अंग्रेज़ी साहित्य और समाज कार्य मे दीक्षित संदीप का लेखन से गहरा सरोकार है, एक कहानी संकलन " नर्मदा किनारे से बेचैनी की कथाएँ" आई है जिसे हिंदी के प्रतिष्ठित वागीश्वरी सम्मान से नवाज़ा गया है , इसके अतिरिक्त देश की श्रेष्ठ पत्रिकाओं में सौ से ज़्यादा कविताएं , 150 से ज्यादा आलेख, पुस्तक समीक्षाएं और ज्वलंत विषयों पर शोधपरक लेख प्रकाशित है)</div><div><br /></div></div>Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-69872062235903993182020-03-08T09:50:00.000-07:002020-03-08T09:50:48.279-07:00अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस स्पेशल <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />इन 15 महिलाओं ने भारतीय संविधान बनाने में दिया था अपना योगदान <img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">भारत में 26 नवंबर 1949 को निर्वाचित संविधान सभा द्वारा भारतीय संविधान अपनाया गया था और 26 जनवरी 1950 को इसे लागू किया गया था। संविधान सभा में कुल 389 सदस्य थे| लेकिन अब इसे संयोग कहें या दुर्भाग्य कि संविधान निर्माण के संदर्भ में हमें केवल अग्रणी पुरुष सदस्यों के रूप में डॉ बी आर अम्बेडकर ही याद है, जिन्होंने भारतीय संविधान का मसौदा तैयार करने में मदद की थी| यों तो हम जल्दी अपने इतिहास को नहीं भूलते है, पर जब हमारी सोच में पितृसत्ता का चश्मा होतो अक्सर हमारी नज़रों से आधी आबादी के पूरे पन्ने ओझल से हो जाते है| शायद यही वजह है कि संविधान सभा में हम उन प्रमुख पंद्रह महिला सदस्यों का योगदान आसानी से भुला चुके है या यों कहें कि हमने कभी इसे याद करने या तलाशने की जहमत नहीं की| तो आइये जानते है उन पन्द्रह भारतीय महिलाओं के बारे में जिन्होंने संविधान निर्माण में अपना अमूल्य योगदान दिया है|</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />1. अम्मू स्वामीनाथन<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">अम्मू स्वामीनाथन का जन्म केरल के पालघाट जिले के अनाकारा में ऊपरी जाति के हिंदू परिवार में हुआ था। उन्होंने साल 1917 में मद्रास में एनी बेसेंट, मार्गरेट, मालथी पटवर्धन, श्रीमती दादाभाय और श्रीमती अंबुजमल के साथ महिला भारत संघ का गठन किया। वह साल 1946 में मद्रास निर्वाचन क्षेत्र से संविधान सभा का हिस्सा बन गईं। 24 नवंबर 1949 को संविधान के मसौदे को पारित करने के लिए डॉ बी आर अम्बेडकर ने एक चर्चा के दौरान भाषण में आशावादी और आत्मविश्वासी अम्मू ने कहा कि ‘बाहर के लोग कह रहे हैं कि भारत ने अपनी महिलाओं को बराबर अधिकार नहीं दिए हैं। अब हम कह सकते हैं कि जब भारतीय लोग स्वयं अपने संविधान को तैयार करते हैं तो उन्होंने देश के हर दूसरे नागरिक के बराबर महिलाओं को अधिकार दिए हैं।‘ वह साल 1952 में लोकसभा के लिए और साल 1954 में राज्यसभा के लिए चुनी गयी। उन्होंने भारत स्काउट्स एंड गाइड (1960-65) और सेंसर बोर्ड की भी अध्यक्षता की।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />2. दक्षिणानी वेलायुद्ध<img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">दक्षिणानी वेलायुद्ध का जन्म 4 जुलाई 1912 को कोचीन में बोल्गाटी द्वीप पर हुआ था। वह शोषित वर्गों की नेता थी। साल 1945 में, दक्षिणानी को कोचीन विधान परिषद में राज्य सरकार द्वारा नामित किया गया था। वह साल 1946 में संविधान सभा के लिए चुनी गयी पहली और एकमात्र दलित महिला थीं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">मालरकोटला के रियासत परिवार में पैदा हुई और उनकी शादी युवा भूमि मालिक नवाब अजाज रसूल से हुई थी। वह संविधान सभा की एकमात्र मुस्लिम महिला सदस्य थी। साल 1950 में, भारत में मुस्लिम लीग भंग होने के बाद वह कांग्रेस में शामिल हो गयी। वह साल 1952 में राज्यसभा के लिए चुनी गयी थी और साल 1969 से साल 1990 तक उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा की सदस्य रही। साथ ही, साल 1969 से साल 1971 के बीच, वह सामाजिक कल्याण और अल्पसंख्यक मंत्री भी रही। इसके बाद साल 2000 में, उन्हें सामाजिक कार्य में उनके योगदान के लिए पद्म भूषण से सम्मानित किया गया था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">दुर्गाबाई देशमुख का जन्म 15 जुलाई 1909 को राजमुंदरी में हुआ था। बारह वर्ष की उम्र में उन्होंने गैर-सहभागिता आंदोलन में भाग लिया और आंध्र केसरी टी प्रकाशन के साथ उन्होंने मई 1930 में मद्रास शहर में नमक सत्याग्रह आंदोलन में भाग लिया। साल 1936 में उन्होंने आंध्र महिला सभा की स्थापना की, जो एक दशक के अंदर मद्रास शहर में शिक्षा और सामाजिक कल्याण का एक महान संस्थान बन गया। वह केंद्रीय सामाजिक कल्याण बोर्ड, राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा परिषद और राष्ट्रीय समिति पर लड़कियों और महिलाओं की शिक्षा जैसे कई केंद्रीय संगठनों की अध्यक्ष थीं। वह संसद और योजना आयोग की सदस्य भी थी। वह आंध्र एजुकेशनल सोसाइटी (नई दिल्ली) से भी जुड़ी थीं। इसके बाद, साल 1971 में भारत में साक्षरता के प्रचार में उनके उत्कृष्ट योगदान के लिए दुर्गाबाई को चौथे नेहरू साहित्यिक पुरस्कार से सम्मानित किया गया था। साल 1975 में, उन्हें पद्म विभूषण से सम्मानित किया गया था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">हंसा का जन्म 3 जुलाई 1897 को बड़ौदा के रहने वाले मनुभाई नंदशंकर मेहता के यहाँ हुआ था| हंसा ने इंग्लैंड में पत्रकारिता और समाजशास्त्र का अध्ययन किया। एक सुधारक और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता होने के साथ-साथ वह एक शिक्षिका और लेखिका भी थीं। उन्होंने गुजराती में बच्चों के लिए कई किताबें लिखीं और गुलिवर ट्रेवल्स समेत कई अंग्रेजी कहानियों का भी अनुवाद किया। वह साल 1926 में बॉम्बे स्कूल कमेटी के लिए चुनी गयी और साल 1945-46 में अखिल भारतीय महिला सम्मेलन की अध्यक्ष बनी। हैदराबाद में आयोजित अखिल भारतीय महिला सम्मेलन में उनके राष्ट्रपति के संबोधन में उन्होंने महिलाओं के अधिकारों का चार्टर प्रस्तावित किया।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />6. कमला चौधरी<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">कमला चौधरी का जन्म लखनऊ के समृद्ध परिवार में हुआ था। शाही सरकार के लिए अपने परिवार की निष्ठा से दूर जाने से वह राष्ट्रवादियों में शामिल हो गई और साल 1930 में गांधी द्वारा शुरू की गई नागरिक अवज्ञा आंदोलन में भी उन्होंने सक्रियता से हिस्सा लिया| वह अपने पचासवें सत्र में अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी की उपाध्यक्ष थी और सत्तर के उत्तरार्ध में लोकसभा के सदस्य के रूप में चुनी गयी थी| कमला भी एक प्रसिद्ध कथा लेखिका थी और उनकी कहानियां आमतौर पर महिलाओं की आंतरिक दुनिया या आधुनिक राष्ट्र के रूप में भारत के उद्भव से निपटाती थीं।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />7. लीला रॉय<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">लीला रॉय का जन्म अक्टूबर 1900 में असम के गोलपाड़ा में हुआ था। उनके पिता डिप्टी मजिस्ट्रेट थे और राष्ट्रवादी आंदोलन के साथ सहानुभूति रखते थे। उन्होंने साल 1921 में बेथ्यून कॉलेज से स्नातक की उपाधि प्राप्त की और सभी बंगाल महिला उत्पीड़न समिति की सहायक सचिव बनी और महिलाओं के अधिकारों की मांग के लिए मीटिंग की व्यवस्था की। साल 1923 में अपने दोस्तों के साथ उन्होंने दीपाली संघ और स्कूलों की स्थापना की जो राजनीतिक चर्चा के केंद्र बन गए, जिसमें उल्लेखनीय नेताओं ने भाग लिया। बाद में, साल 1926 में डाकरी संघ, दक्का और कोलकाता में महिला छात्रों के एक संगठन की स्थापना की गई थी। वह जयश्री की एक पत्रिका की संपादिका भी बनी| साल 1937 में, वह कांग्रेस में शामिल हो गईं और अगले वर्ष बंगाल प्रांतीय कांग्रेस महिला संगठन की स्थापना की। वह सुभाष चंद्र बोस द्वारा गठित महिला उपसमिती की भी सदस्य बन गईं। भारत छोड़ने से पहले नेताजी ने लीला रॉय और उनके पति को पार्टी गतिविधियों का पूरा प्रभार दिया। साल 1947 में, उन्होंने पश्चिम बंगाल में एक महिला संगठन और भारतीय महिला संघती की स्थापना की। साल 1960 में, वह फॉरवर्ड ब्लॉक (सुभाषिस्ट) और प्रजा समाजवादी पार्टी के विलय के साथ गठित नई पार्टी की अध्यक्ष बन गईं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">मालती चौधरी का जन्म साल 1904 में पूर्वी बंगाल (अब बांग्लादेश) में एक प्रतिष्ठित परिवार में हुआ था। साल 1921 में, सोलह साल की उम्र में मालती चौधरी को शांति-निकेतन भेजा गया, जहां उन्हें विश्व भारती में भर्ती कराया गया। उन्होंने नाबकृष्ण चौधरी से विवाह किया, जो बाद में ओडिशा के मुख्यमंत्री बने और साल 1927 में ओडिशा चले गए। नमक सत्याग्रह के दौरान, मालाती चौधरी और उनके पति भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस में शामिल हो गए और आंदोलन में भाग लिया। उन्होंने सत्याग्रह के लिए अनुकूल वातावरण बनाने के लिए लोगों के साथ संवाद किया। </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />9. पूर्णिमा बनर्जी<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">पूर्णिमा बनर्जी इलाहाबाद (उत्तर प्रदेश) में भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस कमेटी की सचिव थी। वह उत्तर प्रदेश की महिलाओं के एक कट्टरपंथी नेटवर्क में से थी जो साल 1930 के दशक के अंत में वे स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में सबसे आगे थीं। उन्हें सत्याग्रह और भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन में उनकी भागीदारी के लिए गिरफ्तार किया गया था। शहर समिति के सचिव के रूप में वह ट्रेड यूनियनों, किसान मीटिंग्स और अधिक ग्रामीण जुड़ाव की दिशा में काम करने और संगठित करने का दायित्व भी उनके ऊपर था|</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />10. राजकुमारी अमृत कौर<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">अमृत कौर का जन्म 2 फरवरी 1889 में लखनऊ (उत्तर प्रदेश) में हुआ था। वह कपूरथला के पूर्व महाराजा के पुत्र हरनाम सिंह की बेटी थी| उन्हें इंग्लैंड के डोरसेट में शेरबोर्न स्कूल फॉर गर्ल्स में शिक्षित किया गया था| वह महिलाओं की शिक्षा व खेल में उनकी भागीदारी और उनकी स्वास्थ्य देखभाल में दृढ़ आस्तिक थीं। उन्होंने ट्यूबरकुलोसिस एसोसिएशन ऑफ इंडिया व सेंट्रल लेप्रोसी एंड रिसर्च इंस्टीट्यूट की स्थापना की| साथ ही, वह लीड ऑफ रेड क्रॉस सोसाइटी के गवर्नर बोर्ड और सेंट जॉन एम्बुलेंस सोसाइटी की कार्यकारी समिति की अध्यक्षता में उपाध्यक्ष थी। साल 1964 में जब उनकी मृत्यु होने के बाद द न्यूयॉर्क टाइम्स ने उन्हें अपनी देश की सेवा के लिए ‘राजकुमारी’ की उपाधि दी| </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">रेनुका एक आईसीएस अधिकारी सतीश चंद्र मुखर्जी की बेटी थीं| उन्होंने लंदन स्कूल ऑफ इकोनॉमिक्स से बीए की पढ़ाई पूरी की। साल 1934 में, एआईडब्ल्यूसी के कानूनी सचिव के रूप में उन्होंने ‘भारत में महिलाओं की कानूनी विकलांगता’ नामक एक दस्तावेज़ प्रस्तुत किया| रेणुका ने एक समान व्यक्तिगत कानून कोड के लिए तर्क दिया और कहा कि भारतीय महिलाओं की स्थिति दुनिया में सबसे अन्यायपूर्ण में से एक थी। साल 1943 से साल 1946 तक वह केन्द्रीय विधान सभा, संविधान सभा और अनंतिम संसद की सदस्य थी। साल 1952 से 1957 में, उन्होंने पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा में राहत और पुनर्वास के मंत्री के रूप में कार्य किया। इसके साथ ही, वह साल 1957 में और फिर 1962 में वह लोकसभा में मालदा की सदस्य थे। उन्होंने अखिल बंगाल महिला संघ और महिला समन्वयक परिषद की स्थापना की।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />12. सरोजिनी नायडू<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">सरोजिनी नायडू का जन्म हैदराबाद में 13 फरवरी 1879 को हुआ था। वह भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस की अध्यक्ष होने वाली भारतीय महिला थीं और उन्हें भारतीय राज्य गवर्नर नियुक्त किया गया था। उन्हें लोकप्रिय रूप से ‘नाइटिंगेल ऑफ इंडिया’ भी कहा जाता है। उन्होंने किंग्स कॉलेज (लंदन) और बाद में कैम्ब्रिज के गिरटन कॉलेज में अध्ययन किया। साल 1924 में उन्होंने भारतीयों के हित में अफ्रीका की यात्रा की और उत्तरी अमेरिका का दौरा किया| भारत वापस आने के बाद उनकी ब्रिटिश विरोधी गतिविधियों के चलते उन्हें कई बार जेल भी जाना पड़ा| सरोजिनी नायडू अपनी साहित्यिक शक्ति के लिए भी जानी जाती थी।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />13. सुचेता कृपलानी<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">सुचेता का जन्म हरियाणा के अंबाला शहर में साल 1908 में हुआ था| उन्हें विशेषरूप से साल 1942 के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन में उनकी भूमिका के लिए याद किया जाता है। कृपलानी ने साल 1940 में कांग्रेस पार्टी की महिला विंग की भी स्थापना की। आज़ादी के बाद, कृपलानी के राजनीतिक कार्यकाल में नई दिल्ली के एक सांसद और फिर उत्तर प्रदेश की राज्य सरकार में वह श्रम, सामुदायिक विकास और उद्योग मंत्री के रूप में कार्यरत रही। वह भारत की पहली महिला मुख्यमंत्री थीं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">विजयलक्ष्मी पंडित का जन्म 18 अगस्त 1900 में इलाहाबाद में हुआ था और वह भारत के पहले प्रधानमंत्री जवाहरलाल नेहरू की बहन थीं। साल 1932 से 1933, साल 1940 और साल 1942 से 1943 तक अंग्रेजों ने उन्हें तीन अलग-अलग जेल में कैद किया था। राजनीति में विजया का लंबा करियर आधिकारिक तौर पर इलाहाबाद नगर निगम के चुनाव के साथ शुरू हुआ। साल 1936 में, वह संयुक्त प्रांत की असेंबली के लिए चुनी गयी और साल 1937 में स्थानीय सरकार और सार्वजनिक स्वास्थ्य मंत्री बनी| ऐसा पहली बार था जब एक भारतीय महिला कैबिनेट मंत्री बनी। सभी कांग्रेस पार्टी के पदाधिकारियों की तरह उन्होंने साल 1939 में ब्रिटिश सरकार की घोषणा के विरोध में इस्तीफा दे दिया।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" />15. एनी मास्कारेन<span style="margin-left: 0.2ex; margin-right: 0.2ex;"><img alt="💥" class="CToWUd" data-goomoji="1f4a5" data-image-whitelisted="" goomoji="1f4a5" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/e/1f4a5" style="margin: 0px 0.2ex; max-height: 24px; vertical-align: middle;" /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">एनी मास्कारेन का जन्म केरल के तिरुवनंतपुरम में एक लैटिन कैथोलिक परिवार में हुआ था। वह त्रावणकोर राज्य से कांग्रेस में शामिल होने वाली पहली महिलाओं में से एक थीं और त्रावणकोर राज्य कांग्रेस कार्यकारिणी का हिस्सा बनने वाली पहली महिला बनीं। वह त्रावणकोर राज्य में स्वतंत्रता और भारतीय राष्ट्र के साथ एकीकरण के आंदोलनों के नेताओं में से एक थीं। अपनी राजनीतिक सक्रियता के लिए, उन्हें साल 1939 से साल 1977 से विभिन्न अवधि के लिए कैद किया गया था। मास्कारेन भारतीय आम चुनाव में साल 1951 में पहली बार लोकसभा के लिए चुनी गयी थी| वह केरल की पहली महिला सांसद थी</span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-2742803900255507062020-02-14T00:13:00.000-08:002020-02-15T00:18:28.397-08:00Legal Tactics or Due Process of Law<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;">A Delhi court on Feb. 12 offered a counsel to Pawan </span><span style="font-size: large;">Gupta, one of the four death row convicts in the 2012 </span><span style="font-size: large;">Nirbhaya gang rape and murder case, saying a convict </span><span style="font-size: large;">is entitled to legal aid till his last breath. The date of </span><span style="font-size: large;">execution, first fixed for Jan. 22, was postponed to </span><span style="font-size: large;">Feb. 1 before the trial stayed it "till further orders". The </span><span style="font-size: large;">condemned four have been using delay tactics to </span><span style="font-size: large;">postpone their inevitable fate. But these tactics are </span><span style="font-size: large;">legally available to them.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">What is the status of the death warrants?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Death penalty has been held to be a valid form of punishment in India by the Supreme Court. <i>But can convicts inordinately delay their execution by using procedural loopholes in the law?</i> The answer, as the Nirbhya case suggests, is an emphatic yes.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">A Delhi court on Feb. 12 offered Pawan Gupta, one of the four death row convicts in the Nirbhaya gang rape and murder case, legal aid after he said that he does not have a lawyer. Additional Session Judge Dharmender Rana expressed displeasure over <b>delay from Pawan's side who said he has removed his earlier lawyer and will need time to engage a new one</b>. <i>District Legal Services Authority</i> (DLSA) provided Pawan's father with a list of its empanelled advocates to choose from.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Pawan has not yet filed a curative petition - the last and final legal remedy available to a person which is decided in-chamber.</b> <b>He also has the option of filing a mercy plea.</b> Nirbhaya's parents and the Delhi government had moved the court on Feb. 11 seeking fresh death warrants for the four convicts after the Supreme Court granted liberty to the authorities to approach the trial court for issuance of fresh date for the execution of these convicts.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The date of execution, first fixed for <b>January 22</b> in Tihar jail, was postponed for 6 am on <b>February 1</b> by a January 17 court order. The trial court later, on January 31 stayed, <b>"till further orders"</b> the execution of the four convicts in the case, who are lodged in Tihar Jail. The Tihar jail authorities had filed a status report on Feb. 11 before the trial court stating that no legal option was exercised by any convict - <b>Mukesh Kumar Singh (32), Pawan Gupta (25), Vinay Kumar Sharma (26) and Akshay Kumar (31)</b> - in the last seven-day period, granted by the Delhi High Court.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The trial court had on February 7 dismissed the pleas of Delhi government and the Tihar jail authorities seeking fresh date for execution of the four death row convicts in the case. They had taken note of the high court's February 5 order permitting the convicts to exercise their legal remedies within one week. <b>"It is criminally sinful to execute the convicts when law permits them to live. The High Court on February 5 has permitted the convicts, in the interest of justice, to exercise their legal remedies within one week from same order,"</b> the court had said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><i>"I concur with counsel for convicts that death warrants cannot be executed merely on basis of surmises and conjectures. The application is bereft of merit. The same is dismissed. The State is at liberty to move appropriate application as and when required,"</i> the judge had said.</span></blockquote>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Why are the four still alive?</span></b></div>
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<i><span style="font-size: large;"><u><b>The trial took a long time to reach the final conclusion</b></u></span></i></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-7oBRaxt4cHI/Xkelq_lcRPI/AAAAAAAAAb0/WjP81wFiTJ09o1hn_UK_K0eUAjL2iHwswCLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/DELHIGANGRAPE.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="692" data-original-width="435" height="640" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-7oBRaxt4cHI/Xkelq_lcRPI/AAAAAAAAAb0/WjP81wFiTJ09o1hn_UK_K0eUAjL2iHwswCLcBGAsYHQ/s640/DELHIGANGRAPE.jpg" width="402" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The 23-year-old physiotherapy intern, who came to be known as 'Nirbhaya' (fearless), was gang-raped and savagely assaulted on the night of <b>December 16, 2012</b>, in a moving bus in South Delhi. She died of her injuries a fortnight later in a Singapore hospital.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Six people - the four convicts, Ram Singh and a juvenile - were named as accused. The trial of the five adult men began in a special fast-track court in March 2013. Ram Singh, the prime accused, allegedly committed suicide by hanging himself in Tihar jail days after the trial began.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>The juvenile, who was said to be the most brutal of the attackers, was put in a correctional home for three years. The juvenile was released in 2015 and sent to an undisclosed location amid concerns over a threat to his life.</b> He, when released, was 20 years old. Mukesh, Vinay, Akshay and Pawan were sentenced to death in September 2013 by the trial court. It took four more years for the case to move from the trial court to the high court to the apex court. Each time, the verdict was the same: <i>death</i>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In its Feb. 5 order, the Delhi High Court was critical of <b>the delay caused by the authorities in seeking issuance of death warrants for the convicts as also of the "delay tactics" adopted by the convicts</b>. <i>"All the authorities concerned were sleeping"</i> and waited till December 2019 <i>"for reasons best known to them"</i> to seek issuance of death warrants, the high court said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>The Delhi government moved the trial court for issuance of black (death) warrants two years after the Supreme Court in 2017 had dismissed the review petition against the confirmation of death penalty.</b> The authorities had also informed the court about the Delhi High Court's February 5 order which directed the convicts to take steps within a week, if they wished, to avail any remedy available under the law.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Pawan Jallad, a third generation hangman from Meerut prison, had arrived in Delhi on January 29. He was 23 years old when he first assisted his grandfather with a hanging in 1988 at the Patiala Central Jail. Now, he was two days away from the most publicised hanging of his career. But even as he tested the strength of the rope and put aside cloth bags to cover the heads of the convicts, news arrived that the four accused in the 2012 Delhi gang rape case will escape the hangman's noose, yet again. <i>Jallad is still waiting.</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">When was the horrible crime committed?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-EtFa73Sb-Q8/XkemJlj9JVI/AAAAAAAAAcE/HLASo6Alj_wm8d20zezdDnV-u8ZXqFHJwCLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/IN12_INDIRA_JAISING_ON_NITHARI_CASE.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="749" data-original-width="1200" height="398" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-EtFa73Sb-Q8/XkemJlj9JVI/AAAAAAAAAcE/HLASo6Alj_wm8d20zezdDnV-u8ZXqFHJwCLcBGAsYHQ/s640/IN12_INDIRA_JAISING_ON_NITHARI_CASE.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Reacting to a tweet by ace lawyer Indira Jaising urging her to forgive the four men on death row for brutally raping that finally took her life, Nirbhaya's mother said on Jan. 17: “Even if God asks me, I won't forgive them.” The crime they committed is not worthy of mercy. And they have lived for more than seven years after India rose to demand swift death to the gang-rapists and killers.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In the early evening of 16 December (a Sunday) <b>Pawan Kumar, a fruit vendor, Vinay, a gym instructor, Mukesh, Ram Singh’s younger brother, Akshay Kumar Singh, a cleaner on Ram Singh’s bus, and a juvenile whose name was never officially revealed as per the law of the land,</b> met in his slum house and had a small <i>‘party’</i>. They decided to set out together in Ram Singh’s bus to have some <i>‘fun’</i>. They first lured <i>Ram Adhar</i> (aged thirty-five), a carpenter, to board the bus and robbed him of Rs 1500 along with his other belongings and dumped him near <i>IIT Gate</i>. They then drove towards Munirka from where they picked up a hapless couple.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Awindra Pandey</b>, an engineer, and his friend who was named <b>Nirbhaya</b> by the media (until her family decided to reveal her name), a physiotherapy intern, had gone to the Select City Walk mall in Saket in south Delhi to watch a movie. After the show they exited the mall at around 8.30 p.m. Unable to get an autorickshaw to Dwarka, where they lived, they took one to the Munirka bus stand from where they hoped to get a bus that would take them to their destination.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">After a while, they saw a white bus with yellow and green stripes on its sides approach them and stop right where they stood. It was a private chartered bus — generally not authorized to ply on commercial routes — from which a young boy was calling out for passengers going to Dwarka and Palam Mod. Awindra and Nirbhaya, unsure of when the regular bus would come and anxious to reach their homes before it got too late, decided to board the private bus. <i>Little did they know they had boarded a bus to hell.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">As they took their seats they saw three unkempt youngsters sitting in the driver’s cabin with the driver, while two others sat right behind in the front row of passenger seats — one on the left and the other on the right end. There were no other passengers in the bus. Instinctively, the young couple felt that something was not quite right.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">One of the two seated in the front passenger seats walked towards Awindra, ostensibly to collect the bus fare. They paid twenty rupees between them. <b>It dawned on them that the bus had not waited for any other passenger to board and had left with only the two of them, soon after they had got in.</b> Strangely, the bus had curtains that were all drawn to ensure that nothing outside was visible to them. The door they had come in through had been locked from the inside after they had boarded.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">As the bus drove towards Dwarka and reached the flyover leading to the airport, the three boys emerged from the driver’s cabin. They began to abuse Awindra, asking him where he was taking the girl so late in the night. Nirbhaya and Awindra retaliated to the verbal and physical abuse hurled at them. <b>In the commotion that ensued, they heard one of the goons call out the names Vinay and Pawan, commanding them to bring out iron rods.</b> Soon Awindra was hit on the head and legs with iron rods and he fell to the floor of the bus.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Nirbhaya shouted for help and tried calling the police on her mobile. She was pushed to the rear end of the bus and then pinned down on a passenger seat meant for three, where all six men took turns to rape her. <b>As ‘punishment’ for her fierce resistance, she was hurt grievously with iron rods in ways so gory and sordid that it is difficult to put it in writing</b>. <b>She fainted a couple of times, but was beaten back to consciousness to undergo more unspeakable indignities.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">She too was robbed of her belongings and was stripped naked. <b>Having satisfied themselves, the men decided to get rid of the injured couple, and if possible, kill them.</b> Awindra heard one of the assailants say that the couple was not to be left alive. A naked Nirbhaya was dragged by her hair to the front door and thrown out along with her companion, who was also without a shred of clothing on him. <b>The bus tried to reverse and crush them to death but somehow the two managed to roll away and escape</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Awindra would live. Nirbhaya would die of her injuries, but not before testifying against the accused. <i>And not before putting down her last wish in writing.</i> In her four-page statement in Hindi to the magistrate five days after the barbaric attack on her, the 23-year-old paramedical trainee, who was admitted to a city hospital in a critical condition, pleaded with the authorities to <b>"burn them alive"</b>. <i>"They should be hanged so that such an incident does not happen with another woman. They should be burned alive,"</i> the young woman, who died Dec 29, 2012 at a hospital in Singapore where she was flown by the government after <b>a national outcry and massive protests</b>, said in the statement.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Where are these tactical delays coming from?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In yet another horrific incident of burning and murder, a college lecturer in Wardha, Maharashtra, died on Feb. 10 after she was attacked by a stalker. The victim was walking to her college from a bus stop when her attacker hurled petrol at her and set her on fire in full public view. The incident has caused much outrage and now Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray has said that the trial in the case will be carried out speedily.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">But such promises of speedy trials do not inspire anymore. Case in point is the Nirbhaya gang rape and murder case that has dragged on for more than seven years. <b>If such a high profile case can take so long to find closure, then it’s anybody’s guess how long lower profile but equally gruesome cases will take to see justice.</b> Speedy trials should mean completion of the judicial process within a reasonably short time frame encompassing a clean appeals process.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">So far as the delay on the part of the state is concerned, the Supreme Court has already ruled that a convict can’t be kept waiting for the gallows and inordinate delay in his/her execution is a ground for commuting the death penalty to life sentence. In <b><i>Jagdish vs. State of Madhya Pradesh</i> (2009)</b>, the Supreme Court ruled that <b>the government’s failure to decide a mercy plea within a reasonable timeframe can be a ground for commuting the death penalty to life imprisonment.</b> The State’s failure in taking expeditious decision amounted to violation of condemned prisoners’ right to live with dignity guaranteed under <b>Article 21 of the Constitution</b>, it had said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: orange;"><i>“There can be no justification for the execution of a prisoner after much delay…the cruelty of capital punishment lies not only in the execution itself and the pain incident thereto, but also in the de-humanising effects of the lengthy imprisonment prior to execution…What makes it worse for the prisoner is the indifference and ennui which ultimately develops in the family, brought about by a combination of resignation, exhaustion, and despair,”</i> </span><span style="color: #222222;">the top court had said.</span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">But this is not a case of just the government delaying the execution of death sentence. This is about first the government delaying and then the four condemned using their legal options one by one, with sufficient pause between each attempt. </span><span style="font-size: large;">By its judicious verdicts, the Supreme Court has managed to check arbitrariness on the part of the State.</span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><b style="font-size: x-large;">However, with the four convicts in the Nirbhaya case delaying their execution by strategically availing of their legal and constitutional remedies one by one, the Centre has moved the Supreme Court, saying the court’s rulings in death penalty cases are convict-centric and that it should lay down a set of victim-centric guidelines.</b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The Centre has urged the top court <i>“to clarify and direct that if the convict of death sentence wants to file mercy petition, it would be mandatory for a convict of death sentence to do so only within a period of seven days from the date of receipt of death warrant issued by the competent court.”</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">It’s not an easy task to get a guilty verdict in a capital crime. Originally, for offences where the death penalty was an option, Section 367(5) of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) 1898 required courts to record reasons where they decided not to impose death sentence. In 1955, Parliament repealed Section 367(5), CrPC 1898, significantly altering the position of the death sentence. <b>The death penalty was no longer the norm, and courts did not need special reasons for why they were not imposing the death penalty in cases where it was a prescribed punishment</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">When the CrPC was re-enacted in 1973, Section 354(3) required courts to record special reasons for awarding death sentence. Further, Section 366 of CrPC mandates that the convict shall not be executed unless the death sentence is confirmed by the high court concerned. In case the convict’s death sentence is confirmed by the high court, he/she can challenge it before the Supreme Court in appeal. <b>After dismissal of his appeal, he has the option of filing a review petition and then a curative petition</b>. Thereafter, the convict can file mercy petition before the president under Article 72 of the Constitution. Even the dismissal of mercy petition by the President can be challenged before the Supreme Court.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">As pointed out by the Centre, it’s not that the convict doesn’t get enough opportunity to prove his/her innocence. <b>But the real question is about finality of death penalty.</b> Noting that finality of death penalty was extremely important; Chief Justice of India SA Bobde had last month said a condemned prisoner should not be under impression that it was an open-ended question.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Who needs to revisit the review process for death sentence?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The petition filed by the Centre seeks to limit the time provided for filing curative petition by the convict, curtail notice period to convict and his/her family from 14 days to 7 days, and impose a time limit on the procedure to be followed in case of multiple convicts facing death penalty. <b>The petition provides the Supreme Court with a golden opportunity to strike a balance between the rights of accused and the rights of a victim to seek justice. These are the three issues worthy of discussion:</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">1) The first clarification sought in the petition is regarding the time limit within which a death row convict should file a curative petition, if he chooses to.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The concept of curative petition can be traced back to the Apex Court’s Constitution Bench judgment in <i>Rupa Ashok Hurra v. Ashok Hurra.</i> The power, however, is to be exercised only in rarest of the rare cases.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Curative petition is the last constitutional remedy a person can avail once his review petition has been rejected by the Supreme Court. However, no time limit has been fixed within which a curative petition should be filed.</b> A clarification on this aspect shall not only help the State in its swift execution of the punishment, but shall also help convicts in availing an available remedy in a time-bound manner.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">As seen in the Nirbhaya case, convicts continue to file curative petitions post issuance of death warrants. <b>This creates inordinate delay in the justice system and also works towards wastage of state resources.</b> A time-bound filing of curative petition shall help in preventing unnecessary delays and increase executive and judicial efficiency. Hence, it would be welcome to see the apex court take a step in this direction by making curative petitions time bound. In fact, it should be ensured that curative petitions remain time bound not in cases of death penalty, as sought in the petition at hand; but a time limit is extended to curative petitions in general to make sure speedy delivery of justice.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">2) Second, the petition seeks to limit the time gap from date of communication of rejection of mercy petition to the date of execution from 14 days to 7 days.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The reason for providing such time period is more based in morality than legality. <b>Compassion dictates that a death row convict should be allowed time to mentally prepare for the impending punishment, and to have a final meeting with his/her family members, considering that they could have to travel from remote locations.</b> It also has legal implications such as providing time to make a will and to avail any remaining judicial remedy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Though limiting the time period could work towards speedy execution of death penalty; it would not serve the interest of justice. <b>Justice to the accused/convict is as important as justice to the victim.</b> Curtailment of time period might lead to situations where the death row convict is unable to exercise the rights otherwise provided to him and that shall amount to <b>violation of just, fair and reasonable requirement under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">3) Last, the petition seeks that in cases having multiple death row convicts, execution of penalty of a convict who has exhausted legal remedies should not be delayed merely because any of the co-convicts has initiated pardon proceedings. It is urged that the Apex Court mandate issuance of execution warrant by competent Court within seven days of rejection of mercy petition and execution of death sentence within seven days thereafter.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>As on date, legal practice is that if one of the convicts has moved a mercy petition, or a review petition or a curative petition, the death penalty of any his co-convicts shall not be executed until a decision has been taken on such petition.</b> It is argued that death row convicts prolong execution by exercising their legal remedies one after another.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">As the law provides for a 14-day period between date of rejection of petition and execution of penalty, it gives ample time to another co-convict to move forward with his mercy petition, thus delaying execution. This can be seen from the Nirbhaya case, where due to pendency of petitions, death penalty of even those convicts who have exhausted all legal remedies could not be executed.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">However, the demand for segregated execution comes with its own set of problems. The case of <i>Harbans Singh v Union of India</i> is a perfect illustration of the situation, where three people were awarded death sentence in a murder case. <b>The three convicts filed mercy petitions at different stages, and proceeded with legal remedies separately. Out of the three, death penalty of one of the convicts was commuted to life sentence, which was later used by another convict as argument to get his sentence commuted. However, the third convict who did not file a review petition had already been hanged.</b> The Apex Court writing through Justice YV Chandrachud expressed deep regret on the matter, calling the situation unfortunate.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Convicts of the same offence having participated in it with the same magnitude cannot be treated differently</b>, unless special circumstances exist. A situation where one person faces death for his offence, while the other is commuted or pardoned, is in itself a defeat of the entire justice system. It is to prevent a similar situation from occurring that the execution of all co-convicts is stayed if decision on any one’s petition is pending.</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-size: large;">It would be exceedingly unfortunate if laws were framed solely to decrease delay.</span></i></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">How rarely does India use death penalty?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In the last two decades, India’s execution rates have reduced drastically.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Article 21</b> of the Constitution of India guarantees to its citizens the right to life and personal liberty which includes the right to live with dignity. According to this article, <b>no person shall be deprived of his life and personal liberty except according to the procedure established by law.</b> This means that a person’s life and personal liberty can be disputed only if that person has committed a crime. Therefore the state may take away or abridge even right to life in the name of law and public order following the procedure established by law.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">While the central government has consistently maintained it would keep the death penalty in the statute books to act as a deterrent, and for those who are a threat to society, the Supreme Court too has upheld the constitutional validity of <b>capital punishment in the </b><i>“rarest of rare”</i> cases. In <i>Jagmohan Singh vs State of UP</i> (1973), then in <i>Rajendra Prasad vs State of UP</i> (1979), and finally in <i>Bachan Singh vs State of Punjab</i> (1980), the Supreme Court affirmed the constitutional validity of the death penalty. It said that if capital punishment is provided in the law and the procedure is a fair, just and reasonable one, the death sentence can be awarded to a convict. This will, however, only be in the “rarest of rare” cases, and the courts should render “special reasons” while sending a person to the gallows.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The principles as to what would constitute the “rarest of rare” have been laid down by the top court in the landmark judgment in <b><i>Bachan Singh vs State of Punjab (1980)</i></b>. <i>Bachan Singh</i> formulated certain <b>broad illustrative guidelines</b> and said it should be given only when the option of awarding the sentence of life imprisonment is <i><b>“unquestionably foreclosed”</b>.</i> It was left completely left upon the court’s discretion to reach this conclusion.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The Supreme Court has always said that the death sentence should be given rarely. In <b><i>Mithu vs State of Punjab</i> (1983)</b>, the Supreme Court ruled that the mandatory death penalty is unconstitutional. It struck down Section 303 in the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which entailed a mandatory death sentence for a person who commits murder while serving a life term in another case. The Supreme Court ruled Section 303 violated Articles 14 (right to equality) and 21 (right to life) since an unreasonable distinction was sought to be made between two classes of murderes. It said all murders would come under the ambit of Section 302, where a court would have the discretion to award life term or death sentence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The apex court has also laid down <b>the principle of weighing aggravating and mitigating circumstances.</b> A balance-sheet of aggravating and mitigating circumstances in a particular case has to be drawn to ascertain <b>whether justice will not be done if any punishment less than the death sentence is awarded.</b> Two prime questions, the top court held, may be asked and answered.<i>First, is there something uncommon about the crime which renders the sentence of imprisonment for life inadequate and calls for a death sentence? Second, are there circumstances of the crime such that there is no alternative but to impose the death sentence even after according maximum weightage to the mitigating circumstances which speak in favour of the offenders?</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The answers to these two questions in the Nirbhaya case are: <b><i>Yes</i> and <i>Yes</i>.</b></span></div>
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Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-44744324739600093962020-02-07T07:14:00.000-08:002020-02-07T07:14:30.138-08:00Battle between Schools & Mandir<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Thanks to the achievements and experiments of the Arvind Kejriwal government, the central issue in the upcoming Delhi elections is the quality of schools in the state. The AAP government has revamped government schools and wants to be judged for its work and results in education India's populist politicians don't care much about education reform because results take time and voters are easily swayed by what Kejriwal calls 'Hindu-Muslim'. So it's a welcome relief that they are debating schools.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><u>What is the core issue in Delhi election?</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Arvind Kejriwal's <i>Aam Aadmi Party</i> (AAP), a regional start-up in the world of politics, is seeking a second successive term in power in Delhi. And Kejriwal wants to be judged for his government’s performance in education.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">His government's performance in education - along with healthcare - is an unusual campaign plank, and a consistent headline maker. <b>AAP swept 67 of Delhi's 70 assembly seats five years ago, and hopes to repeat this performance on 8 February, largely on the back of its performance in education</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The AAP government runs 1,000 schools, attended by more than 1.5 million students. Education is free. In five years, he claims his government has succeeded in a way none of his predecessors had. The AAP government under the leadership of Arvind Kejriwal and his deputy Manish Sisodia, who holds the education portfolio, has allotted the highest funds to education, introduced new teacher training courses for students, and have infused money to improve ailing schooling infrastructure.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Overall outcomes of these efforts are visible. For instance, a Delhi government school <b><i>Rajkiya Pratibha Vikas Vidyalaya (RPVV)</i></b> in Dwarka was ranked number one among all government-run day schools in India, while two others made it to the top ten in 2019. Investing heavily in education has helped change the gloomy image - messy and badly-run - of state-run schools in a teeming city of nearly 20 million people. <b>"The assumption was only poor children go to these schools. The rich and middle class prefer to send their children to private schools,"</b> says Shailendra Sharma, an education advisor to Kejriwal's government. <b>“Anything free in India is perceived to be substandard.”</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">But in 2019, Kejriwal's schools, <b>mainly attended by the city's underclass and children of poorer migrants</b>, have outperformed their more expensive and posh counterparts. Some 96% of the 12th class students from state-run schools passed the school-leaving exam, compared to 93% from private schools. Such results have received estimable praise, most recently from Nobel-prize winning economist Abhijit Banerjee. <i>Education outcomes in state-run schools can be better than the private ones</i>, Banerjee said on Jan. 11 as he lauded Delhi government schools for <i>"outperforming"</i> their private peers. He said state agencies have been <i>"generous"</i> with resource allocation for education, which is visible in aspects such as teacher salaries and student results. <b>Education is a state subject under the federal structure of India.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i><b><u>“Personally, I feel the people of Delhi are very happy with our work. Delhi people have thrown up many unexpected results in the past. In 2015, no one imagined that AAP, a new party, will bag 67 out of 70 seats. When we had no real heft, when people were saying our candidates will lose deposits, the people of Delhi had given an opportunity to a new party. This time, the question is whether the voting would be on work or Hindu-Muslim. I believe the people of Delhi are smart and they will reward work,”</u></b></i> Kejriwal said in an interview with <i>Indian Express</i> recently. The ‘Hindu-Muslim’ reference was a jibe on the <b>Bharatiya Janata Party</b> (BJP), which is the ruling party at the centre and is accused by Kejriwal of playing divisive politics out of desperation.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><u>Why have students returned to Delhi’s public schools?</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Here is yet another proof that the best way for the government to show its commitment and achieve better results is to invest more.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">From 2015 onwards, the AAP government has allocated a major amount of budget for introducing remarkable education sector amendments. In 2015-16, it allotted <b>Rs 6,208 crore</b> for the school and higher education sector. In the 2016-17 annual budget, the state government further increased education sector spending to <b>Rs 8,642 crore</b> (budgeted). In 2017-18, the Kejriwal government spent as much as <b>Rs 9,888 crore</b> and in 2018-19, it went up to <b>Rs 11,201 crore</b> (revised). In 2019-20, the budgetary allocation is a significant <b>Rs 15,133 crore</b> (budgeted).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>Kejriwal has ploughed nearly a quarter of his government's budget into education - the highest in India</b> - and appears to have spent the money wisely. (His predecessors in Delhi spent up to 16% of the budget on education; and India's states, on average, spend 14.8% of their budgets on education). <i>"Government schools,"</i> says M Shariq Ahmed, principal of a <i>"model"</i> government school, <i>"have now become a very liberating experience for students, who come from stressed backgrounds."</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Education reforms are usually messy and controversial, but Kejriwal's government appears to have chosen simple initiatives to achieve a significant turnaround. <b>Classrooms have been renovated, toilets are scrubbed regularly, and playgrounds cleaned.</b> Students and parents alike have welcomed a controversial decision to <b>put CCTV cameras in classrooms</b> to monitor children. Smart-looking desks, digital learning, well-stocked libraries, functioning science labs, and special theme-oriented classrooms have helped make the once-dowdy schools attractive places of learning.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Furthermore, the AAP government took the crucial initiative of creating a <b>three–tier library structure</b> in the schools. In addition, all government schools have now functional drinking water and separate girls’ and boys’ toilets, electricity connection and <b>88.82% schools had computer facilities by the end of 2019</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i>If you build good schools and offer education free, you get more enrolments.</i> There's also been a substantial expansion of capacity to cater to a growing number of students - 34% of Delhi's 4.4 million school-going children attend government schools, and their numbers are increasing. <b>By the end of 2020, Delhi should have 55 new schools and 20,000 additional classrooms.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">But building good infrastructure alone is never enough. <i>It’s the teachers who will build the future of India.</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><u>When was the quality of teachers improved?</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Delhi government in 2017 started a one-of-a-kind teacher training exercise across the city. </span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The State Council for Education Research & Training (SCERT) undertook an extensive capacity building exercise for more than 36,000 teachers — 26,000 Trained Graduate Teachers (TGTs) and 10,000 Post Graduate Teachers (PGTs), who were teaching in schools run by the Delhi government. Keeping in mind the latest innovation in classroom learning, the concept of</span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"> </span><b style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-large;">group-based learning</b><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">has been introduced in teacher training so that the technique percolates to classrooms of Delhi government schools as well.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">To further improve the quality of education in Delhi government schools and to enhance teacher’s instructive capabilities, the AAP government initiated a Teacher’s Training Program. The motive behind the program was to keep the teachers abreast with the contemporary knowledge of their subject. <b>In 2018, 200 teachers received training by world’s top educators at Singapore’s National Institute of Education (NIE).</b> These 200 teachers, after the completion of the course, were regarded as <b>‘mentor teachers.’</b> The trained teachers were assigned around five to six schools, which they visit regularly to observe classroom practices and provide <b>on-site learning support to other teachers.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>Other teachers have travelled to Finland and Cambridge in the UK to study school systems.</b> The curriculum has also been tweaked imaginatively - <b>classes on "happiness" and business motivation have been introduced.</b> Mega parent-teacher meetings are held in all schools several times a year, encouraging <b>interaction between illiterate parents, first generation learners and teachers.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">With surveys indicating a record number of students unable to read and comprehend basic concepts at various classes and age groups, the AAP government launched an ambitious project named <b>‘Chunauti’</b> (‘Challenge’) in 2016 with the aim of seeking to check student dropout rates and improve the quality of education with special focus on the weakest students. The aim was to have all students in upper primary classes be able to read, write and do basic mathematics. It has been reported that Chunauti has brought visible improvement in the pass percentage of class IX.</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">But Chunauti hasn’t been without its share of controversy.</span></i></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><u>Where did the biggest controversy come from?</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">There's been criticism about some of the teaching methods in Delhi's government schools. The most contentious is <b>"separating"</b> - critics call it <i>segregation</i> - <b>performing and non-performing students by putting them in different classrooms.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Last year, education activist Kusum Jain went to a Delhi court challenging Kejriwal's government to explain why students were <i>"segregated".</i> She says: <b>"Segregation on the basis of intelligence is wrong at a time when we should all believe in inclusive education."</b> Manish Chand, who worked as an intern teacher in a government school, says the ability-based "segregation" of students has <i>"led to more divisions"</i> among students. He found some teachers in his school calling students by the names given to the groups, and <b>sometimes the "better performing students" refused to study or play with their more non-performing peers</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In its revolutionary zeal, the AAP government may have floundered on a basic principle when it decided to regroup students from class 6 to class 8 according to their learning abilities. Under a program called <i>Chunauti 2018</i>, <b>students from classes 6 to 8 were divided into three sections -Pratibha, Nishtha and Neo-Nishtha - according to their learning levels</b>. They were tested for arithmetic, reading in language that was the medium of instruction, and in English.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Janaki Rajan, professor of education <i>at Jamia Millia Islamia</i>, New Delhi, says <b>this segregation of students is extremely detrimental to children and has not only crushed their self-esteem and exterminated peer learning in class, but also eroded social diversity of the class.</b> <i>“All studies show us that students in mixed abilities group learn better. Why is the government then bent on doing the contrary? In addition, </i><b>it is mostly the students from scheduled class, scheduled tribes and the Muslim community who land up in the Nishtha and Neo-Nishtha sections,”</b>says Rajan, who was a former director of the <i>State Council of Educational Research and Training</i>, Delhi.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Another educationist, R. Govinda, who was vice chancellor at the <i>National University of Educational Planning and Administration</i>, says segregation of students does permanent damage to the self-esteem of students. <b>“Branding of children and meddling with curriculum won’t work. Continuous professional development of teachers is the only way forward,”</b> he says. <b>The different sections also have different exams</b>, and the Nishtha and Neo-Nishtha sections are taught with the help of special study material called <i>Pragati Books</i>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">But some teachers defend the system, and say it has actually helped improve results.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Students, they say, are separated in different sections on the basis of their reading and numeracy skills. Several independent surveys have found that Indian school children's reading and writing skills don't match the class they are in - a 2018 study by NGO <i>Pratham</i> found that nearly 73% of children in class three could not read class two lessons. <b>"By separating the students, we are trying to get the teachers to give special attention to the ones who get left behind and often end up dropping out,"</b> says Shailendra Sharma, Kejriwal's adviser.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The government argues that this is the best way forward. <b>A majority of the students who enter class 6 are from municipal corporation schools and already have a major learning lag.</b> Except the 200-odd <i>Sarvodaya</i> schools out of 1,028, most of the Delhi government schools have classes from the sixth standard onwards. Sharma says <b>some students were so weak that they did not understand a thing in the classroom</b>. <i>“The teacher was rushing to complete the syllabus and only the front benchers were abreast with what was being taught. Those at the back had no idea what was going on,”</i> he says, adding that the chasm in learning levels was so massive that peer learning was actually not happening in class.</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b><u>Other controversies</u></b></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The directorate of education ruled last year that <b>if a student fails twice in a class he or she should be counseled to opt for open schooling options</b>. Information obtained by lawyer Ashok Agarwal shows that <b>in the 2018-19 session, the Delhi government denied readmission to 1.02 lakh students out of 1.55 lakh who failed in classes 9 to 12.</b> The government, however, claims that the students who fail would anyway drop out and the government was doing them a service by telling them about other options and even holding classes for them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The government has also been cornered for <b>slashing down the syllabus by 25 per cent</b> <b>in a manner that the critics find ‘arbitrary’.</b> The government argues that it’s the age of the Internet and Google and the amount of textbook information one needs now is less. The idea seems to have caught on with Union Human Resource Development (HRD) minister Prakash Javadekar as well, and he announced that <b>half of the syllabus in CBSE schools will be cut from 2019</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In addition, there is the accusation on Delhi government of <b>collecting voter ID details of students and their family members.</b> The president of the Delhi Parents’ Association said <b>parents are receiving calls asking them if they are happy with the work done by Delhi government</b> and argues it is a breach of privacy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Some statistics are, however, undeniable. The 2018 CBSE class 12 results showed a pass percentage of 90.68 in government schools, better than the 88.35 per cent of private institutions and even the national average of 83.01 per cent. <i>It’s working. But will it work with the voters?</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><u>Who is Kejriwal up against?</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">When the people of Delhi vote on Feb. 8, they will have to decide what exactly they want in the next five years. <i>More temples of learning or more learning about temples?</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A few weeks ago, Kejriwal made an impassioned plea to voters in an election campaign. <b>“We've worked hard to improve our schools, the education system. Who will take care of the education of your children if you vote for any other party? Just give it a thought,”</b> he said. Kejriwal wants to prove populist politicians wrong: he's made education the centre-piece of his campaign.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">India's populist politicians don't usually talk about schools and colleges and hospitals in campaign speeches - education reform, they know, doesn't fetch votes, because results take time, and voters appear to be keener on more immediate outcomes. <i>"Today's politics wants instant results,"</i> says Delhi's education minister Manish Sisodia.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The other side is focusing on <i>Politics 101</i>. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his party, the BJP, this weekend face their first electoral test since deadly anti-government protests erupted nearly two months ago, with <b>the divisive turmoil likely to win them votes at polls in the capital</b>. The BJP won a bigger majority in a general election in May, but it has lost a string of state elections since then. The protests, in which at least <b>25 people have been killed</b>, erupted across the country in mid-December, after the BJP passed the <b>Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019</b>, which critics say violates India’s secular constitution and discriminates against minority Muslims.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Without a well-known leader in the capital, analysts say <b>the BJP has intensified a policy of campaigning on Modi’s personal appeal, rather than on development issues.</b> At the same time, the protests have highlighted <b>the communal fault line</b>, which could help his party secure the Hindu vote in the capital and elsewhere, analysts say. <b>“Rightly or wrongly, they are largely seen as Muslim protesters. There is a polarisation between Hindus and Muslims that suits the BJP,”</b> said Harsh Pant, a fellow at New Delhi-based think-tank the <i>Observer Research Foundation</i>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The BJP has highlighted the work of Modi’s central government since its re-election last May, in particular changes that have appealed to the party’s Hindu base such as <b>abrogation of the special status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir and a court ruling, backed by the government, clearing the way for the construction of a Hindu temple in Ayodhya</b>. “<i>What they seem to be doing is fighting state elections on Modi’s popularity,”</i> Pant told <i>Reuters</i>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Prime Minister, addressing a well-attended rally at <i>Karkardooma</i> on February 3, took the lead in attacking the BJP’s opponents in the strongest possible words. A number of BJP candidates also addressed the crowd and raised slogans like </span></div>
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<span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>“Rasthravaad Jeethega aur Shaheen Bagh haarega” (<i>nationalism will win and Shaheen Bagh will lose</i>) and <i>“Modi hai toh mumkin hai”</i> (<i>If it’s Modi, it’s possible</i>).</b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Prime Minister reminded the crowd that this election would decide the future course of Delhi in this decade and take it to new heights of prosperity. He made the promise of <i>Jahaan jhuggi waheen makaan</i> (where there is slum, there will be houses) and held the Aam Aadmi Party-led State government responsible for not implementing the <i>Pradhaan Mantri Awas Yojana</i> (a central-government sponsored housing construction scheme for the poor) in Delhi. Towards the end of his speech, he spoke about the protests at Jamia and Shaheen Bagh, underlining them as staged protests to meet political ends patronised by the Congress and the AAP.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath also addressed a few rallies. He praised the government of Uttar Pradesh and the Central government for fulfilling the long-standing promise of building a Ram temple in Ayodhya. He said <i>“the Kejriwal government that was not able to give the people of Delhi decent water to drink was busy serving Biryani to those who were protesting at Shaheen Bagh”.</i> He emphasised that the BJP would not withdraw the CAA as this would be against the interest of <i>“Akhand Bharat”</i> (the undivided India). He alleged that those who were supporting terrorists in Kashmir were coming to <i>Shaheen Bagh</i> and raising slogans of <i>Azadi</i> (independence). He added that those who spoke in favour of Pakistan should be prepared to take bullets. <b>Adityanath</b> <b>established a political record of sorts by mentioning Pakistan eight times in 48 seconds in a speech in Delhi this week.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Polling data for Delhi shows the BJP narrowing the gap with - but still trailing - the Aam Aadmi Party over the past week. <i>If it’s Modi, is it still possible?</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><u>How can Delhi’s education outcomes improve even more?</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Regardless of who wins, it is hoped that the good work in the field of education will continue. From 2015 onwards, the AAP government has not just allocated a major amount of budget for introducing education sector amendments – it has also increased the amount consistently in the past four years. However, there are many challenges yet to be addressed. While the government has brought visible improvement in many spheres related to state run schools, the battle is only half won.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">While the AAP government has done well to change the perception on government run schools by infusing more funds and <b>plucking low hanging fruits</b>, many long standing problems remain to be addressed. For instance, despite all the efforts, <b>the enrolment rate in Delhi state schools has fallen.</b> According to a <i>Praja Foundation</i> report, <i>‘State of Public School Education in Delhi’,</i> published in March 2019, enrolment rate in Delhi government schools has fallen by 8% from 2013-14 to 2017-18. In government schools, enrolment rate for Class I saw a dip of 4.8% in 2017-18.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Another survey by Praja Foundation shows that of the 2,59,705 students who got enrolled for class IX in Delhi government schools in 2014-15, 56% students did not reach class XII in 2017-18. This shows <b>very poor retention in the state-run schools</b>. Data available on the state government site ‘edudel’ indicates that a mammoth 55% of students did not go to the Class X in the academic year 2017-18 from Class IX (academic year 2016-17). This suggests a large number of students failed in Class IX.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Similarly, another report suggests that <b>Delhi government schools are operating with only 57% regular teachers while the rest of the responsibility is with guest teachers</b>. A huge gap persists in the sanctioned and filled positions, both among the teaching and non-teaching staff in Delhi government schools. According to information made available to the public through RTI applications, it can be said that <b>out of 1,029 schools only 301 schools across Delhi have science as a subject</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">So, while the government revamped the infrastructure, it failed to recruit permanent teachers. It introduced new programs, but enrolment rate witnessed a fall. Notwithstanding these limitations, the AAP government in its first full tenure brought a visible transformation in public education system in the national capital. <b>The education system of Delhi is being adopted by other states as well.</b> The government managed to bring major changes in the education system and was able to overcome the first set of major challenges they faced.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The greatest challenge to India is unemployment. Much of that problem is linked to the lack of skills in India’s educated youth. And much of that is linked to the state of India’s education infrastructure and curriculum. It’s heartening to finally find a politician in India who dares to put his future at stake by asking voters to judge him on his commitment to schools and hospitals. It’s a risky strategy but Kejriwal has been risking a lot all his life.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>An IIT Kharagpur graduate, Arvind Kejriwal joined as an Indian Revenue Service officer in 1995 but quit his high profile job in 2012 to form the </b><i>Aam Admi Party</i> (AAP) after leading an anti-corruption movement in 2012 with social activist Anna Hazare. He has learnt one vital political lesson after his party’s poor performance in the General Elections of 2014 and 2019: <i>show them what you can do as a state leader and then seek a national mandate.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Modi should know this strategy well. <i>After all, the country voted him to power in the hope that he will implement the ‘Gujarat model’ of governance.</i></span></div>
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<span style="color: red; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b><u>References:</u></b></span></div>
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<ol>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/V_i5fwJh78c" target="_blank">Can you teach happiness? New Delhi says yes</a></span></li>
<li style="color: #222222;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/L8UX6ptWwao" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: large;">A government school in Delhi that is giving tough competition to private ones</span></a></li>
<li style="color: #222222;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/CXF5e9q7fnM" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: large;">Have Sustained Efforts To Improve Delhi Government Schools By AAP Borne Fruit?</span></a></li>
<li style="color: #222222;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/C0656t0BY24" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: large;">Arvind Kejriwal "Invites" Amit Shah To A Debate Ahead Of Delhi Election</span></a></li>
<li style="color: #222222;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/a-6iL-2r8Zk" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: large;">Trending Tonight | How Delhi Lost Its Core Election Issue</span></a></li>
<li style="color: #222222;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WxXCNfcoyqI" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: large;">Delhi Elections: Most Unprecedented Campaign Comes To An End | To The Point</span></a></li>
<li style="color: #222222;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/pKqii68bhYI" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: large;">Delhi elections 2020 | Performance and politics</span></a></li>
</ol>
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Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-65890940301874194852020-01-23T20:06:00.000-08:002020-01-23T20:38:24.929-08:00Remembering NETA JI on his birthday<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;">On this day, 123 years ago, 'Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was born in Cuttack. Bose rejected a career in Indian Civil Service to join Indian National Congress, and emerged as its most popular leader. A fierce patriot, he raised the Indian National Army that fought Valiantly on India's northeast borders. Japan's defeat in the Second World War foiled his plans to liberate India from the outside. His death in an air crash remains an unsolved mystery</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">What brought Bose into India’s independence movement?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Subhas Chandra Bose was born on </span><b style="font-size: x-large;">January 23, 1897</b><span style="font-size: large;"> in Cuttack, Orissa Division, Bengal Province, to Prabhavati Devi and Janakinath Bose, an advocate.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">A brilliant student right from childhood, he topped matriculation in Calcutta province and graduated with a First-Class in <b>Philosophy</b> from the Scottish Church College, Calcutta. He joined Presidency College in 1911. <b>He was, however, expelled later for assaulting a professor, E F Oaten, who had made some anti-India comments.</b> To fulfill his parents’ wishes, he went to England in 1919 to compete for a place in the Indian Civil Service (ICS).</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In 1920, he appeared for the ICS examination there and <b>stood fourth in the order of merit.</b> Strongly influenced by <b>Swami Vivekananda’s teachings</b> and full of patriotic zeal, <b>Bose was so disturbed by the Jallianwalla Bagh massacre that he withdrew from his ICS apprenticeship midway and returned to India in 1921.</b> He soon left home to become an active member of India's independence movement. He later joined Indian National Congress.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Bose worked as the CEO of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation for Chittaranjan Das when the latter was elected mayor of Calcutta in 1924. In a roundup of nationalists in 1925, Bose was arrested and sent to prison in Mandalay, where he contracted tuberculosis.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In 1927, after being released from prison, Bose became general secretary of the Congress party and worked with Jawaharlal Nehru for independence. In late December 1928, Bose organized the Annual Meeting of the Indian National Congress in Calcutta. His most memorable role was as <b>General Officer Commanding (GOC) of Congress Volunteer Corps.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">A little later, Bose was again arrested and jailed for civil disobedience; this time he emerged to become <b>Mayor of Calcutta in 1930.</b> During the mid-1930s Bose travelled across Europe, visiting Indian students and European politicians, including Italian dictator <b>Benito Mussolini.</b></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">Why did differences arise with Gandhi?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vEG6teVI_OQ/Xipvune4l6I/AAAAAAAAAY8/2cXkV8TzAWwzjTfKL_u1zQUrKgkCRekfgCLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/Bose_Gandhi_1938.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="529" data-original-width="1020" height="330" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vEG6teVI_OQ/Xipvune4l6I/AAAAAAAAAY8/2cXkV8TzAWwzjTfKL_u1zQUrKgkCRekfgCLcBGAsYHQ/s640/Bose_Gandhi_1938.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<i style="font-size: x-large;"><b>“Though we have discussed sharp differences of opinion between us, I am quite sure that our private relations will not suffer in the least. If they are from the heart, I believe they are, they will bear the strain of these differences”.</b></i><span style="font-size: large;"><b> ~ Gandhi</b> in a letter to Bose, dated 02.04.1939</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">To Subhas Bose, Gandhi always remained <i>“India's greatest man”</i>. His appreciation of the unique contribution of Gandhi was unequivocal. He recognised and admitted Gandhi as the undisputable, unrivalled leader of the masses. Bose had all praise for Gandhi's unflinching patriotism and firmness of character. In fact, Bose <i>“bowed”</i> before Gandhi's <i>“single hearted devotion, his relentless will, and his indefatigable labour”.</i> To Gandhi, Bose was like a son whose <i>“self-sacrifice and suffering, drive, integrity and commitment to the national cause and the capacity to bind all Indians into one people were unsurpassed.”</i> <b>However, they could not find a way to work together for the same cause.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">By the 1930s, there was a massive difference of opinion between the old and new members of the Congress. The young leaders, including Subhas Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted <b>‘complete self-rule and without any compromise’</b> while the senior leaders were in favour of the <b>‘dominion status for India within the British rule’.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Bose stood for <b>unqualified Swaraj</b> (self-governance), even including the use of force against the British. This meant a confrontation with Mohandas Gandhi, who in fact opposed Bose's presidency, splitting the Indian National Congress party. Bose attempted to maintain unity, but Gandhi advised Bose to form his own cabinet. <b>The rift also divided Bose and Nehru.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In 1938, Gandhi got Bose elected as the President of Indian National Congress even when he was not an official member. This was an effort by Gandhi to conciliate Bose. However, unfortunately both for the Congress and the country, the alliance between Bose and Gandhi remained precarious. <b>Subhas Chandra Bose not only condemned Gandhi's favourite ‘Charakha’ (the spinning wheel) but also gave a call to modernise India.</b> He called upon the people to get united for an armed struggle against the British.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Gandhi had no hint about the popularity of Bose in the ranks of Congress until 1939.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">At the presidential election in January 1939, Bose was vigorously opposed both by Gandhi and Nehru. <b>Nevertheless, he achieved a decisive victory over his opponent Dr. Pattabhi Sittaramayya, Gandhi's nominee, by 1580 to 1375 votes. Gandhi took this as a personal defeat.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Bose was a revolutionary in a rush. At the Tripuri Congress session, Bose as Congress president made a clear proposal that the Congress should immediately send an ultimatum to the British Government demanding independence within six months. This move was blocked by the ‘Gandhi group’. <b>Frustrated, Bose resigned from the post of President of Congress on April 29, 1939.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">He immediately proceeded to form a radical party, <b>the All India Forward Bloc</b>, bringing the entire left wing under one banner.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Bose separated ways but did not lose respect for Gandhi. He said, <b>“it will always be my aim and object to try and win his confidence for the simple reason that it will be tragic for me if I succeed in winning the confidence of other people but fail to win the confidence of India's greatest man”.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Gandhi also remained fond of Bose. On the eve of launching the Quit India Movement in 1942, Gandhi described Bose as <b>“a patriot of patriots”</b> to an American journalist.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In his last radio address Bose spoke directly to Gandhi telling him that Indians outside India hold him in high esteem and seeking his blessing for the difficult mission that Bose was about to embark on. <b>“Father of our Nation, in this holy war of India's liberation we ask you for your blessings and good wishes.”</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">While it is common for people today to portray Gandhi and Bose as adversaries, the relationship that the two shared was that of <b>mutual respect and based on truthfulness, transparency, sacrifice and suffering.</b></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">When was the Indian National Army raised?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vhi98XtpRIE/Xipzd-BIJ9I/AAAAAAAAAZI/HV0BhUvIMHkjVKp7xaDbPAeR0W3aWA02QCLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/subhash-1820_101918040925.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="901" data-original-width="1600" height="360" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vhi98XtpRIE/Xipzd-BIJ9I/AAAAAAAAAZI/HV0BhUvIMHkjVKp7xaDbPAeR0W3aWA02QCLcBGAsYHQ/s640/subhash-1820_101918040925.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<span style="font-size: large;">Bose vehemently opposed the Congress decision to support the British during the Second World War. With the aim to initiate a mass movement, Bose called out to Indians for their whole-hearted participation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">There was tremendous response to his <b>“Give me blood and I will give you freedom”</b> call and the British promptly imprisoned him. In jail, he declared a hunger strike. When his health deteriorated, the authorities, fearing violent reactions, released him but put him under house arrest.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>In January 1941, Subhash made a sensational escape and reached Berlin</b>, Germany via a detour through Peshawar. Germans assured him their full support in his endeavours and he gained allegiance of Japan as well. He took a perilous journey back east and reached <b>Japan</b> where he assumed command of over 40,000 soldiers recruited from Singapore and other south East Asian regions. He called his band of soldiers as the <b>Indian National Army (INA).</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The Japanese sailed into Port Blair in March 1942, shortly after the fall of Rangoon earlier that month. They faced little resistance from the small local garrison and enrolled the Indian soldiers into the INA. Bose visited Port Blair to raise the tricolour and technically take charge of the islands in December 1943, renaming the Andamans <i>“Shahid Dweep”</i> (Martyr Island) and the Nicobars <i>“Swaraj Dweep”</i> (Self-Rule Island). A provisional <b>“Azad Hind Government”</b> started functioning in the captured territories.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The INA (the <i>Azad Hind Fauj</i>) crossed the Burma border, and <b>stood on Indian soil on</b> <b>March 18, 1944.</b> Unfortunately, the tide of the World War turned and the Japanese and German forces surrendered which forced him to call off further advancement.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Note</b>:</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The Andaman Islands were the only part of India that was actually controlled by the Indian National Army. <b>But its administration over the islands was only nominal.</b> In reality, power was exercised by the Japanese forces – so brutally that they caused the residents of the islands to develop a deep hatred both for the Japanese and Bose’s army.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The Narendra Modi government in 2018 gave names to three islands in the Andaman and Nicobar Union territory. Ross Island, Neil Island and Havelock Island are now <b>Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Island, Shaheed Dweep</b> and <b>Swaraj Dweep</b> respectively.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">Where does the mystery surrounding his death come from?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-jzG7r-JCRck/Xipz9zInjbI/AAAAAAAAAZQ/LWA91aMqlpsy4xHki9htDcNSZ2p7SSBgwCLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/gumnami1820_011118121946.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="901" data-original-width="1600" height="360" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-jzG7r-JCRck/Xipz9zInjbI/AAAAAAAAAZQ/LWA91aMqlpsy4xHki9htDcNSZ2p7SSBgwCLcBGAsYHQ/s640/gumnami1820_011118121946.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<span style="font-size: large;">There is an official version of Netaji's death that came from the Japanese government. According to this, Netaji flew out from Taiwan on August 18, 1945.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The plane crashed into two while taking off. Netaji was badly burned in the crash. He died a few hours later in a local hospital. His body was cremated within two days. His ashes were taken to Tokyo where they still remain in <b>the Renkoji Temple.</b> Many of Netaji's lieutenants who accompanied him on his travels were not allowed to get on the plane with him. <b>They never saw Netaji's body.</b> <b>There are no photographs. And there is no death certificate.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Many among his supporters, especially in Bengal, refused at the time, and have refused since, to believe either the fact or the circumstances of his death. The <b>Shah Nawaz Khan</b>-led inquiry instituted by the then Indian Prime Minister, Jawahar Lal Nehru investigated the matter later in 1956 and reached the same conclusion as the Japanese Government.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Conspiracy theories appeared within hours of his death and have thereafter had a long shelf life, keeping alive various martial myths about Bose.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The first theory is that <b>Netaji fled to Russia.</b> There is some evidence that he was on good terms with the Russian dictator Josef Stalin. It has been suggested that Stalin, who had contempt for Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, had some use for Netaji. He offered him asylum and then intended to send him back to India. Except that Stalin did no such thing - he never sent Netaji back! And every time the Indian government refused to release the files citing their impact on relations with foreign countries, the conspiracy theorists took this to refer to relations with Russia. It was proof, they said, of the Stalin connection.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The second theory is that <b>Netaji did actually return to India.</b> But he did this in secret. He never told anyone that he was Netaji, assumed another identity and died in 1985. In 2005, after six years of investigation, the <b>Manoj Mukherjee Commission</b>, appointed by the government of India, said that Netaji did not die in an air crash in Taiwan. <b>In fact, the Commission said there was no air crash that day.</b> And in a sensational twist, Justice Mukherjee drew attention to a mysterious sadhu called <b>Gumnami Baba</b>, who many people believe, was Netaji in disguise. The government of India rejected the report. It is not clear why would Bose not come out and reveal his identity in an independent India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">On January 23, 2016, Prime Minister Narendra Modi declassified 100 files on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Despite the infinite conspiracy theories of his death, these documents did not offer thing substantial on the claim of his death in the plane crash in Taiwan.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">Who was Bose’s mentor?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tJAfAuP_xRE/Xip0PHLQXWI/AAAAAAAAAZY/ft7zXxsUN1AOK2LcHCj0fLE_RmTqZvxSACLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/sugata_bose_4_20191007_571_855.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="571" data-original-width="855" height="426" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tJAfAuP_xRE/Xip0PHLQXWI/AAAAAAAAAZY/ft7zXxsUN1AOK2LcHCj0fLE_RmTqZvxSACLcBGAsYHQ/s640/sugata_bose_4_20191007_571_855.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<span style="font-size: large;">Bose considered </span><b style="font-size: x-large;">Chittaranjan Das</b><span style="font-size: large;"> as his mentor. Das was the founder-leader of the </span><b style="font-size: x-large;">Swaraj Party</b><span style="font-size: large;"> (under Indian National Congress) in Bengal under the British Raj.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Das was an influential orator and carried political foresight and tact, which gave him a leading position in the Congress. Das is generally referred to as <b>Deshbandhu</b>, which means <i>"Friend of the nation".</i> He also brought out a newspaper called <b>'Forward'</b> and later changed its name to <i>Liberty</i> to fight the British Raj.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Das was a staunch believer in non-violence and advocated the adherence of constitutional ways in order to attain independence for India. He preached communal concord and supported the cause of national education.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Bose initially went to Gandhi for guidance who, perceiving the passion for India's freedom that consumed Bose, directed him to <i>Deshbandbu</i> Chittaranjan Das, who had in the meantime arrived on the Indian political firmament to become the de-facto leader of Bengal.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">From then on, for a period of four years till <b>Das's death in 1925</b>, Bose was his political protégé. Bose first proved his mettle by working for the total boycott of the Prince of Wales in Calcutta in 1921; subsequently, his capacity for organisation and executive ability were amply demonstrated in the discharge of his duties as Chief Executive Officer of the Calcutta Corporation during the mayoralty of C. R. Das.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">How admirable was the patriotism of Bose?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The British ruled India only on the strength of the British Indian army whose soldiers were Indians but officers were British. Smartly, the British had raised the army on communal lines with regiments based on castes and communities to perpetuate feudal feelings and prevent the development of a national consciousness.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Netaji Subhas Bose, realizing this, raised <b>an Indian National Army (INA) which had men – even women - of all castes and communities in mixed regiments and who ate from the same kitchens.</b> The poorly equipped INA men (recruited in South-East Asia from Indian prisoners of war) fought valiantly on India’s northeast borders but lost the battle. 26,000 of the 60,000 INA soldiers perished on the battlefront.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Significantly, Netaji raised the level of consciousness among Indian soldiers who fought for the British. During the wartime, INA’s exploits remained unreported because of military censorship. But with <b>the historic trials at Red Fort in late 1945</b> where three officers of the INA (a Hindu, one Sikh and a Muslim) were charged with waging war against ‘the King-Emperor’, a new wave of nationalism ran through the country including in the armed forces. The sooner we can forget our differences and work together, the sooner we will attain independence, he said in <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v%3DFsKO6IqRq0Y&source=gmail&ust=1579924321129000&usg=AFQjCNGFw4y9b1p9xv-bsAAwQOTjBVefyA" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FsKO6IqRq0Y" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">a radio broadcast</a> during World War II. In the same broadcast, he touched upon the many social challenges in India that could only be dealt with unitedly in an independent nation. <i>"No force can now stop India's independence",</i> he roared and promised Indians that they may have been born in a slave nation but they will die in an independent and prosperous India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Sections of the armed forces became restive and <b>there was a mutiny in the Royal Indian Navy (RIN) from Karachi to Calcutta. The British began fearing an encore of the 1857 rebellion which had nearly resulted in their eviction from India.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">After the War, the newly elected Labour government in Great Britain under <b>Clement Atlee</b> suddenly and inexplicably decided to grant freedom to India. A few years later in 1956, as a private citizen, Atlee visited Calcutta. The acting Governor of West Bengal, Justice P V Chuckraborty in a private meeting asked Atlee the compelling reasons which made the British leave.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Atlee said that the INA activities of Bose had weakened the foundation of the British Empire in India and the mutiny of the Royal Indian navy made the British realize that Indian forces could no longer be trusted to prop up the British. </b>When asked about the role of the Quit India movement and Mahatma Gandhi in pushing out the British, Atlee’s lip widened in a smile of disdain and he uttered slowly <i>“minimal.”</i> While that was a personal opinion, it is still a thought to mull over.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">I leave you with a few of the many soul stirring statements of Bose, a socialist nationalist:</span></div>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i>“One individual may die for an idea; but that idea will, after his death, incarnate itself in a thousand lives. That is how the wheel of evolution moves on and the ideas and dreams of one nation are bequeathed to the next.”</i></span></b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span></i><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b>“I have no doubt in my mind that our chief national problems relating to the eradication of poverty, illiteracy and disease and the scientific production and distribution can be tackled only along socialistic lines.”</b></span></i><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i><br /></i></span></b><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i></i></span></b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i>“When we stand, the Azad Hind Fauz has to be like a wall of granite; when we march, the Azad Hind Fauz has to be like a steamroller.”</i></span></b><span style="font-size: large;"><i><b><br /></b></i></span><span style="font-size: large;"><i><b></b></i></span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><span style="font-size: large;"><i><b>“Nationalism is inspired by the highest ideals of the human race, satyam [the truth], shivam [the God], sundaram [the beautiful].”</b></i></span><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i><br /></i></span></b><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i></i></span></b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i>“For the present, I can offer you nothing except hunger, thirst, privation, forced marches and death. But if you follow me in life and in death, as I am confident you will, I shall lead you to victory and freedom. It does not matter who among us will live to see India free. It is enough that India shall be free and that we shall give our all to make her free.”</i></span></b><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span></i><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b></b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b>“We should have but one desire today, the desire to die so that India may live, the desire to face a martyr’s death, so that the path to freedom may be paved with the martyr’s blood.”</b></span></i><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i><br /></i></span></b><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i></i></span></b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i>“A true soldier needs both military and spiritual training.”</i></span></b><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span></i><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b></b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b>“Gird up your loins for the task that now lies ahead. I had asked you for men, money and materials. I have got them in generous measure. Now I demand more of you. Men, money and materials cannot by themselves bring victory or freedom. We must have the motive-power that will inspire us to brave deeds and heroic exploits.”</b></span></i><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i><br /></i></span></b><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i></i></span></b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><b><span style="font-size: large;"><i>“No real change in history has ever been achieved by discussions.”</i></span></b><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span></i><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b></b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b>“For an enslaved people, there can be no greater pride, no higher honour, than to be the first soldier in the army of liberation.”</b></span></i><span style="font-size: large;"><b><i><br /></i></b></span><span style="font-size: large;"><b><i></i></b></span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b><i>“As soldiers, you will always have to cherish and live up to the three ideals of faithfulness, duty and sacrifice. Soldiers who always remain faithful to their nation, who are always prepared to sacrifice their lives, are invincible. If you, too, want to be invincible, engrave these three ideals in the innermost core of your hearts.”</i></b></span><span style="font-size: large;"><b><i><br /></i></b></span><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b></b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><span style="font-size: large;"><b>“You give me your blood and I will give you Independence!”</b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<b><span style="color: red; font-size: large;">References</span><span style="color: red; font-size: x-large;">:</span></b></div>
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<li style="text-align: justify;"><b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/FsKO6IqRq0Y"><span style="font-size: large;">https://www.youtube.com/embed/FsKO6IqRq0Y</span></a></b></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/cD7p2MpRXvg"><span style="font-size: large;">https://www.youtube.com/embed/cD7p2MpRXvg</span></a></b></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/KbywVXM4JgQ"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>https://www.youtube.com/embed/KbywVXM4JgQ</b></span></a></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/zKdGpQA9tsg"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>https://www.youtube.com/embed/zKdGpQA9tsg</b></span></a></li>
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Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-89075260129295837722019-12-28T23:59:00.003-08:002019-12-28T23:59:46.351-08:00सीएए-एनपीआर-एनआरसी में क्या संबंध है?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-A9PB15uf6K4/XghWM95lHWI/AAAAAAAAAXI/_bZwrFsnO2ouBZNhTPPhX1FAi58iZbA_wCLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/368336-caa-nrc-npr.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="390" data-original-width="650" height="384" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-A9PB15uf6K4/XghWM95lHWI/AAAAAAAAAXI/_bZwrFsnO2ouBZNhTPPhX1FAi58iZbA_wCLcBGAsYHQ/s640/368336-caa-nrc-npr.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">नागरिकता संशोधन अधिनियम, 2019 (सीएए) के खिलाफ देशव्यापी विरोध प्रदर्शनों के मद्देनजर, गृह मंत्री अमित शाह ने हाल ही में कहा कि राष्ट्रीय जनसंख्या रजिस्टर (एनपीआर) और राष्ट्रीय नागरिक रजिस्टर (एनआरसी) के बीच कोई संबंध नहीं है। यह टिप्पणी उसी दिन आयी जब केंद्रीय मंत्रिमंडल ने एनपीआर के लिए 3941.35 करोड़ रुपये के आवंटन को मंजूरी दी थी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इसकी पृष्ठभूमि में आइए यह जानें कि क्या मौजूदा कानूनी ढांचे के आधार पर एनआरसी और एनपीआर के बीच कोई संबंध है या नहीं?</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">एनपीआर का अर्थ 'राष्ट्रीय जनसंख्या रजिस्टर' है, जिसका आधार नागरिकता कानून 1955 के तहत केंद्र सरकार द्वारा 2003 में तैयार 'नागरिकता (नागरिकों का पंजीकरण एवं राष्ट्रीय पहचान पत्र वितरण) नियम है। संयोग से, ये वही नियम हैं जो भारतीय नागरिकों के राष्ट्रीय रजिस्टर के लिए कानूनी ढांचा प्रदान करते हैं। (इस बारे में नीचे और अधिक)</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">संबंधित नियमावली की नियम संख्या दो(एल) में 'जनसंख्या रजिस्टर' को इस प्रकार परिभाषित किया गया है:-</span></span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #e69138; font-size: large;"><b>'जनसंख्या रजिस्टर' का मतलब है कि ऐसा रजिस्टर जिसमें गांव या ग्रामीण इलाके या शहर अथवा वार्ड या एक शहर या शहरी इलाके के वार्ड के तहत (नागरिक पंजीयन महापंजीयक द्वारा) सीमांकित क्षेत्र के निवासियों का ब्योरा उपलब्ध हो।"</b></span></i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">महापंजीयक एवं जगनणना आयुक्त कार्यालय एनपीआर को 'देश के आम निवासियों की एक पंजी' के रूप में वर्णित करता है। एनपीआर के उद्देश्य से सामान्य निवासी वैसा व्यक्ति है जो एक स्थान पर पिछले छह माह या उससे अधिक समय तक रह चुका हो और वहां अगले छह महीने या उससे अधिक समय तक रहने का इरादा रखता हो।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">2010 में एनपीआर के लिए प्रत्येक व्यक्ति के निम्नांकित जनसांख्यिकीय ब्योरे लिये गये थे :-</span></span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">व्यक्ति का नाम</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">परिवार के मुखिया से संबंध</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">पिता का नाम</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">माता का नाम</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">पति/पत्नी का नाम (यदि विवाहित हों)</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">लिंग</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">जन्मतिथ</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">सामान्य आवास का मौजूदा पता</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">मौजूदा आवास पर नहले की अवधि</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">स्थायी आवासीय पता</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">पेशा/कार्य</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">शैक्षणिक योग्यता</span></i></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">एनपीआर कौन तैयार करता है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">एनपीआर का निर्माण केंद्र सरकार के तत्वावधान में किया जात है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">वर्ष 2004 की नागरिकता नियमावती के नियम तीन(चार) के तहत केंद्र सरकार वह तारीख तय करती है कि कब तक एनपीआर तैयार किया जाना है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">राष्ट्रीय जनसंख्या रजिस्टर के लिए पहली बार 2010 में तब आंकड़े इकट्ठा किये गये थे जब 2011 की जनगणना के लिए घरों को सूचीबद्ध करने का काम हुआ था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">2015 में घर-घर सर्वे करके इस आंकड़े को अद्यतन किया गया था। एनपीआर के लिए एक अप्रैल, 2020 से 30 सितम्बर 2020 तक पूरे देश में (असम को छोड़कर) सूचनाएं एकत्रित करने का काम शुरू करने के लिए केंद्रीय गृह मंत्रालय ने 31 जुलाई 2019 को गजट अधिसूचना जारी की थी। भारत के रजिस्ट्रार जनरल एनपीआर के लिए राष्ट्रीय पंजीकरण अधिकारी के रूप में कार्य करते हैं। संयोग से, वही अधिकारी एनआरसी से संबंधित नागरिक पंजीयन के रजिस्ट्रार जनरल की भूमिका भी निभाता है।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">एनपीआर और एनआरसी के बीच क्या अंतर है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">जनगणना एक ऐसी प्रक्रिया है, जो जनगणना अधिनियम 1948 के तहत अपनायी जाती है। जनगणना संबंधी डाटा व्यक्तियों द्वारा स्वघोषित जानकारी पर आधारित होता है, जिसका सत्यापन नहीं किया जाता।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">एनपीआर वर्ष 2003 की नागरिकता नियमावली के तहत तैयार किया जाता है। इन नियमों के तहत, एक व्यक्ति के लिए अनिवार्य है कि वह एनपीआर तैयार करने के लिए जानसांख्यिकीय डाटा साझा करे। इसलिए इन नियमों में दंडात्मक कारक मौजूद है, क्योंकि इस मामले में सहयोग न करने वाले व्यक्तियों के खिलाफ जुर्माना एवं अर्थदंड का प्रावधान है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">एनपीआर डाटा संग्रहण संबंधी नियमों का अनुपालन करने में असफल रहने वाले व्यक्ति को नियम 17 के तहत दंड भुगतना पड़ सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">गौरतलब है कि इन दोनों प्रक्रियाओं को एक ही कार्यालय की देखरेख में किया जाता है- भारत के महापंजीयक और जनगणना आयुक्त का कार्यालय।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">एनआरसी/एनआरआईसी क्या है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">एनआरसी/एनआरआईससी का अर्थ है- भारतीय नागरिकों का राष्ट्रीय रजिस्टर</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">नागरिकता अधिनियम की धारा 14ए के तहत इसका आधार दिया गया है, जो अन्य बातों के अलावा कहता है-</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">केंद्र सरकार अनिवार्य रूप से भारत के प्रत्येक नागरिक का पंजीकरण कर सकती है और उसे राष्ट्रीय पहचान पत्र जारी कर सकती है। केंद्र सरकार भारतीय नागरिकों का राष्ट्रीय रजिस्टर तैयार कर सकती है और इस उद्देश्य के लिए एक राष्ट्रीय पंजीकरण प्राधिकरण की स्थापना कर सकती है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">2003 की नियमावली के नियम-तीन(एक) में कहा गया है कि महापंजीयक भारतीय नागरिकों का राष्ट्रीय रजिस्टर तैयार करेंगे और उसका अनुरक्षण भी करेंगे। भारतीय नागरिकों के राष्ट्रीय रजिस्टर को राज्य रजिस्टर, जिला रजिस्टर, उपजिला रजिस्टर तथा स्थानीय रजिस्टर के उपखंडों में विभाजित किया जायेगा।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">क्या एनपीआर और एनआरसी में कोई संबंध है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">2003 की नियमावली को केवल पढ़ने से पता चलता है कि एनपीआर, एनआरसी की नींव रखता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">एनपीआर से 'उचित सत्यापन'के बाद एनआरसी में लोगों का ब्योरा होगा। यह नियम- 3(5) से स्पष्ट है, जो कहता है:</span>-</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">"(5) भारतीय नागरिक के स्थानीय रजिस्टर में व्यक्तियों का विवरण जनसंख्या रजिस्टर से उचित सत्यापन के बाद ही शामिल होगा।" नियम- 4(3) के अनुसार, एनआरसी के निर्माण के लिए एनपीआर में दर्ज विवरणों को सर्वप्रथम नागरिकों के स्थानीय रजिस्ट्रार से सत्यापित किया जाता है। इस सत्यापन के बाद 'संदिग्ध नागरिकों' के नाम हटाकर एनआरसी को अंतिम रूप दिया जाता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">ये नियम स्थानीय रजिस्टर को एनपीआर के विवरणों के सत्यापन के बाद 'संदिग्ध नागरिकों' को चिह्नित करने का अधिकार प्रदान करते हैं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">नियम 4(4) कहता है :</span>-</span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">"सत्यापन प्रक्रिया के दौरान संदिग्ध नागरिकता वाले व्यक्तियों का विवरण स्थानीय रजिस्ट्रार द्वारा उचित टिप्पणी के साथ आगे की जांच के लिए जनसंख्या रजिस्टर में दर्ज किया जायेगा तथा संदिग्ध नागरिकता की स्थिति में निर्दिष्ट प्रपत्र के जरिये संबंधित व्यक्ति या उसके परिवार को सत्यापन प्रक्रिया पूरी होने के तुरंत बाद सूचित किया जायेगा।"</span></i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">नाम हटाने से पहले संदिग्ध नागरिकों को अपना पक्ष रखने का एक मौका दिया जाता है। उसके बाद, स्थानीय इलाकों में एनआरसी का मसौदा प्रकाशित किया जाता है। लोगों को एनआरसी में शामिल किये जाने के खिलाफ अपनी आपत्तियां दर्ज कराने के लिए एक अवसर प्रदान किया जाता है। इसके बाद अंतिम एनआरसी प्रकाशित किया जाता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यह भी उल्लेखनीय है कि एनपीआर और एनआरसी दोनों एक ही कार्यालय के तहत आते हैं (भारत के महापंजीयक नागरिकता पंजीकरण महापंजीयक के रूप में कार्य करते हैं।)</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यह जरूरी नहीं कि एनपीआर एनआरसी का नेतृत्व करेगा। जैसा कि ऊपर कहा गया है, एनपीआर पहली बार 2010 में तैयार किया गया था और 2015 में इसका अद्यतन किया गया था। लेकिन एनआरसी के तहत ऐसा कदम नहीं उठाया गया।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">हालांकि, 2003 के नियमों के अनुसार, एनआरसी की तैयारी केवल एनपीआर के बाद ही की जा सकती है। इस प्रकार, एनपीआर एनआरसी के लिए आवश्यक पूर्व शर्त है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">मौजूदा सरकार ने कई मौकों पर पूरे देश में एनआरसी लाने के अपने मंसूबे व्यक्त किये हुए हैं। यहां तक कि नागरिकता संशोधन विधेयक, 2019 पर संसद में चर्चा के दौरान गृह मंत्री अमित शाह ने राष्ट्रव्यापी एनआरसी तेयार कराने के इरादे का इजहार किया था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">प्रेस विज्ञप्तियों में जारी बयानों, संसद में दिये गये जवाबों तथा जनगणना विभाग के दस्तावेजों के माध्यम से इस बात के संकेत कई मौकों पर दिये जा चुके हैं कि एनपीआर 2020 एनआरसी के लिए पहले कदम के तौर पर लाया जा रहा है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">ऐसी खबरें हैं कि 2020 के एनपीआर के लिए प्रश्नावली 2010 के एनपीआर प्रश्नावली से अलग हैं। 2020 एनपीआर की अनुसूची में 2010 के एनपीआर के लिए मांगे गये (उपरोक्त) विवरणों के अलावा व्यक्ति के माता-पिता की जन्मतिथि एवं जन्मस्थान का विवरण भी पूछा गया है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">नागरिकता अधिनियम 1955 में 1987 एवं 2003 में किये गये संशोधन के बाद एक व्यक्ति के माता-पिता की नागरिकता जन्म से ही उस व्यक्ति की नागरिकता साबित करने का एक निर्धारित कारक है। यह एनपीआर और संभावित एनआरससी के बीच सांठगांठ दिखाने वाला एक अतिरिक्त कारक हो सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">एनआरसी समस्यामूलक क्यों है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">वर्षों से भारत में रह रहे एक व्यक्ति को प्रशासनिक अधिकारियों के समक्ष दस्तावेजों के आधार पर नागरिकता साबित करने के लिए कहना क्रियान्वयन के स्तर पर खुद में समस्यामूलक हो सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इससे नौकरशाही का जुल्म और निरंकुशता बढ़ सकती है, खासकर तब जब भारतीय आबादी का एक बडा वर्ग अशिक्षित और पिछड़ा हुआ है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">हाल ही में असम में सम्पन्न एनआरसी की प्रक्रिया इस बात का उदाहरण है, जहां करीब 20 लाख व्यक्ति इससे बाहर रह गये हैं। ऐसी खबरें हैं कि उस प्रक्रिया में कई तरह की खामियां थीं, जिसके कारण लोगों के नाम जानबूझकर सूची से अलग कर दिये गये।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">2003 के नियम 'संदिग्ध नागरिक' की श्रेणी बनाते हैं (देखें पारा 4.3), एक ऐसी विचित्र श्रेणी जो सहज रूप से आत्मपरक है एवं प्रशासकीय व्याख्या के लिए खुला भी। इस बात के लिए कोई दिशानिर्देश नहीं है कि 'संदिग्ध नागरिक' के रूप में चिह्नित करने के स्वतंत्र विशेषाधिकार का इस्तेमाल कैसे किया जाये?</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">नियम इस बारे में भी कुछ नहीं कहते कि यदि आप संदिग्ध पाये जाते हैं तो क्या होगा? लेकिन विदेशी (न्यायाधिकरण) आदेश 1964 में 2019 में किये गये संशोधन के तहत जिला मजिस्ट्रेट को यह अधिकार दिया गया है कि वह संदिग्ध नागरिक के मामले को विदेशी न्यायाधिकरण को सौंप सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">नियमों में एक और प्रावधान जो बहुत सारी परेशानियों का कारण बन सकता है, वह है नियम 4(6)(ए), जो किसी भी व्यक्ति को स्थानीय नागरिक रजिस्टर में किसी भी व्यक्ति को शामिल करने के खिलाफ आपत्ति दर्ज करने में सक्षम बनाता है। यह एक समस्यामूलक प्रावधान हो सकता है, जिसके दुरुपयोग की व्यापक आशंकाएं हैं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">विदेशी न्यायाधिकरण अर्ध-न्यायिक निकाय हैं जहां कार्यकारी अधिकारी बगैर औपचारिक न्यायिक प्रशिक्षण के कार्य करते हैं। ऐसी खबरें हैं कि विदेशी न्यायाधिकरण लापरवाहीपूर्वक एवं संवेदनहीन तरीके से कार्य करते हैं और बिना कारण के आदेश पारित करते हैं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">मौजूदा कानून के अनुसार, नागरिकता साबित करने का अधिकार संबंधित व्यक्ति पर ही होता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इसलिए एनआरसी अधिकारियों के विवेकाधीन अधिकारों के दुरुपयोग का परिणाम दुष्कर हो सकता है, जैसे- वह व्यक्ति गैर-कानूनी घोषित हो सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यह ज्यादातर भारतीयों के लिए विनाशकारी हो सकता है जो पहले से कोई सुविधा हासिल कर रहे हैं, या सामाजिक अधिकार जिन्हें प्राप्त हैं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">चूंकि एनआरसी के बारे में कोई आधिकारिक अधिसूचना नहीं हुई है, इसलिए यह कहना असामयिक होगा कि नागरिकता साबित करने के लिए कौन सा दस्तावेज पर्याप्त होगा। फिर भी, एनआरसी नियमों का प्रारूप एक आम आदमी को प्रशासनिक अधिकारियों की दया पर छोड़ देता है जो अपने अधिकारों का निरंकुश इस्तेमाल करके संबंधित आदमी के लिए परेशानी का सबब बन सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">सीएए और एनआरसी में प्रत्यक्ष संबंध नहीं है, लेकिन 2019 के चुनाव प्रचार के दौरान अमित शाह ने टिप्पणी की थी कि सरकार एनआरसी लायेगी, उसके बाद के कालखंड में सीएए भी आएगा। जब देश भर में सीएए के खिलाफ विरोध तेज हो गया, तो प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने गत रविवार को कहा कि एनआरसी पर कोई चर्चा नहीं हुई।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">सीएए कम से कम उन लोगों को सहयोग पहुंचाने में सहायक साबित हो सकता है, जिनका नाम संभावी राष्ट्रव्यापी एनआरसी से बाहर होगा, बशर्ते यह साबित कर दें कि वे गैर-मुस्लिम प्रवासी नागरिक हैं तथा बंगलादेश, पाकिस्तान और अफगानिस्तान से धर्म के आधार पर अभियोजन झेलने के कारणा वहां से भागकर 31 दिसम्बर 2014 से पहले भारत आ गये हों। असम एनआरसी सूची पर सीएए के संभावित प्रभाव एक ऐसा मामला है, जिस पर अत्यधिक चर्चा की जायेगी।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">(शिक्षक/कार्यकर्ता और 'इन द पब्लिक्स इंटरेस्ट: एविक्शन्स, सिटिजनशिप एंड इनएक्वेलिटी इन कंटेमपरैरी दिल्ली (2016) के लेखक गौतम भान के इन्पुट के साथ)</span></span></div>
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Satyagrahihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03266662650797065566noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-54273099801494300892019-12-27T06:37:00.000-08:002019-12-27T06:37:59.650-08:00Brief History of CENSUS and National Population Register<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">India's cabinet has approved funds for the next census. </span><span style="font-size: large;">Though this is a decennial exercise, a simultaneous </span><span style="font-size: large;">exercise to prepare the National Population Register </span><span style="font-size: large;">(NPR) will also be undertaken in April 2020. The </span><span style="font-size: large;">government was quick to differentiate the NPR from the </span><span style="font-size: large;">controversial National Register of Citizens (NRC) that </span><span style="font-size: large;">has led to massive protests. The idea of the NPR is to </span><span style="font-size: large;">"better target benefits and services". But the critics are </span><span style="font-size: large;">bound to focus on the target" and "Register" parts.</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">What has the government approved?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">As protests spread all across the country against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019 and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC), the government of India gave its go-ahead to undertake the country’s <b>16th decadal Census</b> exercise to count the country’s population. The 2011 Census had pegged India’s population at 1.21 billion — a 17.6% rise from 2001.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A simultaneous exercise to prepare the <b>National Population Register</b> (NPR) will also be undertaken in April 2020. The Cabinet has allocated ₹13,000 crore ($1.8 billion) for updating the Census and the NPR. <b>The NPR, started in 2010, was last updated in 2015, following a door-to-door exercise by officials under the then United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i>NPR is distinct from the Census.</i> The register’s objective, according to the <i>Censusindia</i> website, is to create <i>“a comprehensive identity database in the country with full identification and other details by registering each and every usual resident in the country".</i> <b>The idea behind NPR is to better target benefits and services by preventing identity fraud. The census, on the other hand, collects data on population, economy activity, social and cultural aspects, migration and demography, down to the lowest administrative level.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The NPR will be a database generated through house-to-house enumeration during the “house-listing” phase of the census, which is held once in 10 years and will be done next in 2021. <b>It defines a “usual resident” as a person who has resided in a place for six months or more, and intends to reside there for another six months or more</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>“We are launching a massive program of national Census which happens every 10 years. Every house will be mapped and listed from April to September 2020 and in February 2021 the headcount will be done,"</b></i> said Prakash Javadekar, Union minister of information and broadcasting, adding that the exercise was being undertaken to ensure that <i><b>“all beneficiaries of schemes such as Ayushman Bharat and Ujjwala are accounted for and receive the benefits."</b></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The minister also reiterated that a cleaner and more streamlined Census would prepare the ground for compiling data for NPR, adding that the register had the potential to club all other forms of identification such as <i>Aadhaar</i>, permanent account number (PAN), driving license and electoral photo identity card under one platform.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">Why is this move set to be controversial?</span></b></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Even as the country was struggling to differentiate between the NRC and CAA, here comes NPR in the mix.</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">At his Ram Lila Grounds rally, kicking off his party’s campaign for the Delhi assembly elections due early next year, <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v%3DjV4rGaAmY7w&source=gmail&ust=1577535898532000&usg=AFQjCNHPzER1Jhg6QFZcYm4T2K3UT7JH1w" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jV4rGaAmY7w" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Prime Minister Narendra Modi put up a stout defence of the Citizenship Amendment Act and charged the Opposition with seeking to divide the country</a> for its own vote bank politics. <i><b>How can his government seek to strip Indian Muslims of their citizenship, he asked, when his government has been implementing welfare scheme after welfare scheme without any attempt to discriminate against any class of beneficiaries?</b></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>How can the Opposition mislead people about a National Register of Citizens when neither the Cabinet nor Parliament has discussed any proposal to create an NRC?</b></i> The CAA merely seeks to grant citizenship to refugees of religious persecution in three neighbouring countries. <i>How can anyone in their senses oppose such a move?</i> The Opposition is motivated by hatred towards Modi and spreading lies, the Prime Minister counter-attacked, working the crowd to perfection.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Many Opposition leaders were quick to point out that Modi’s claims would have been a whole lot more credible if one, <b>the Assam NRC had not happened</b> and, two, <b>home minister Amit Shah had not repeatedly affirmed his intention to implement a nationwide NRC</b>, and three, <b>the intent to give refuge to persecuted minorities had extended its benevolence to all neighboring countries and all denominations</b>, instead of excluding Sri Lanka, Myanmar and China among countries and Muslims as a religious denomination.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Supreme Court has shown no particular hurry to review the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019. So, both sides – the supporters and the hates of the CAA – have been claiming their interpretation of the Act to be <i>“the truth”</i>. <b>The protest against the CAA has spread to almost every corner of the country, yet the reasons for the protest vary with the region</b>. The protestors in the northeast believe the CAA will be used to ‘legalize’ the illegal immigrants from Bangladesh – especially the Hindu refugees identified in the NRC exercise in Assam. Others are protesting because the CAA allegedly violates the secular identity of the country while still others fear that it will endanger their linguistic and cultural identity. Yet others believe that while the CAA itself is harmless, combined with the proposed nationwide National Register of Citizens (NRC), an exercise that has run into controversy in Assam, it will become a tool to exclude the Muslim population of the country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>The NRC identified illegal immigrants from Assam on the Supreme Court’s order.</b> This has so far been a state-specific exercise to keep its ethnic uniqueness unaltered. But ever since its implementation, there has been a growing demand for its nationwide implementation. That the Union government has been hit hard by this allegation is evident from the fact that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has publicly contradicted home minister Amit Shah’s assertion that a nationwide NRC will be prepared by 2024.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>While the census is legally backed by the Census Act, 1948, the NPR is a mechanism outlined in a set of rules framed under the Citizenship Act, 1955.</b> Section 14A was inserted in the Citizenship Act, 1955, in 2004, providing for the compulsory registration of every citizen of India and the issue of a <i>“national identity card”</i> to him or her. It also said the Central government may maintain a <b>“National Register of Indian Citizens”.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Registrar General India shall act as the <i>“National Registration Authority”</i> (and will function as the Registrar General of Citizen Registration). Incidentally, the Registrar General is also the country’s Census Commissioner. <b>The NPR can be seen as the first step towards establishing the NRIC.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Out of the NPR, a set of all usual residents of India, the government proposes to create a database of <i>“citizens of India”.</i> <b>Thus, the “National Register of Indian Citizens” (NRIC) is a sub-set of the NPR.</b> The NRIC will be prepared at the local, sub-district, district and State levels after verifying the citizenship status of the residents.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Earlier this year, the Centre had decided to prepare an NPR by September 2020 to lay the foundation for rolling out a citizens’ register across the country, which could potentially lay the basis of a pan-India National Register of Citizens exercise.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i>A nationwide NRC by any other name</i>, this is how the critics of the CAA and NRC will see the announcement.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">When was the first Census conducted?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Even though the census is basically a demographic exercise in India, <b>it has always been influenced by political developments and has, in turn, heavily impacted national and state politics.</b> <i>It has always been about fire and fury.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The first such effort in 1861 was postponed due to the dislocations caused by the <i>First War of Independence</i> (the great rebellion of 1857. In <b>1872</b>, the British began the decennial Census of India, as part of the continuing work to survey India and its people.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The next census was carried out in <b>1881, and every ten years after that</b>. The collecting of data for the census was sometimes looked on with fear and suspicion by local people. One such instance is described in a report from the <i>Santal Parganas</i>, an area in the Bengal Presidency, where local people objected to the recording of names and the numbering of houses. The Deputy Magistrate at <i>Jamtara</i>, W Rattray, was so nervous that he sent his wife away by the afternoon train to ensure her safety. His fears were not without foundation as that evening he awoke to find his bungalow on fire.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Later, the 1921 and 1931 censuses were affected by the non-cooperation movement and sporadic political unrest during the period that curtailed data collection to some extent. Similarly, the 1941 census operations were affected by World War II. In Independent India, too, political disturbances led to <b>the exclusion of Assam from the 1981 census and Jammu and Kashmir from the 1991 census</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In turn, the censuses have also played an even greater role in influencing politics. For instance, <b>census numbers played an important role in two great partitions; first, in Bengal partition, the 1872 census identified the large Muslim population in the state, and then that of India in 1947</b>. Similarly, census data played a prominent role in <b>the linguistic reorganisation of Indian states in 1956</b> and also in the more recent ones like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttaranchal.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Census data also influences the political representation; as <b>the numbers of elected representatives in the Lok Sabha and state legislatures are apportioned on the basis of the population estimated in the 1971 census</b> <b>so that the states that have curtailed population growth are not disadvantaged.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Apart from politics, the census has also played a prominent role in identifying social and economic trends for 130 years. For instance, <b>the first census in 1872 highlighted how low literacy and social attitudes limited the ability to recall age, as most people preferred to round up the number either to 0 or to 5.</b> <b>In fact, as much as 56% of the reported ages in the 1901 census ended in 0, 2 or 5!</b> And it was the 1871-72 census that first laid bare the extensive prevalence of female infanticide and the highly skewed sex population ratio, especially in the north and west of India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">As to the fate of Deputy Magistrate Rattray in 1881, the British government of India told him that the numbering of houses could be dispensed with, and the registering of males by name relaxed, if it would help allay the apprehensions of the Santal people. <i>The Santals finally had their way, but they had to burn Rattray’s house to make their interpretation of the Census clear.</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">Where will the Census data be useful?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The decennial census is the single largest source of a variety of statistical information on different characteristics of the people of India conducted on the basis of the Census Act enacted in 1948.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The government of India decided in May 1949 to initiate steps for developing systematic collection of statistics on the size of population and its growth, and established an organisation in the Ministry of Home Affairs under Registrar General and ex-Officio Census Commissioner, India. The exercise to count more than 1.35 billion people comes with a structured process.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Census 2021 will be conducted in two phases. <b>In the first phase, the work of house-listing or housing census will be conducted from April to September 2020</b>. In the second phase, the enumeration of population will be done from February 9 to February 28, 2021 with reference moment as 00:00 hours of March 1, 2021.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The census is the basis for reviewing the country's progress in the past decade, monitoring the ongoing schemes of the government and plan for the future. The census provides <b>detailed and authentic information on demography, economic activity, literacy and education, housing and household amenities, urbanisation, fertility and mortality, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, language, religion, migration and disability</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The enumerators also collect data related to cultivators and agricultural labourers, their gender, occupational classification of workers in non-households industry, trade, business, profession or service by class of worker and gender. There will be detailed survey on gender and literacy rate, number of towns, slum households and their population. Information is also collected on sources of potable water, energy, irrigation, method of farming, whether a house is concrete, thatched or others.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">With a history of more than 130 years, this reliable, time tested exercise has been bringing out a veritable wealth of statistics every 10 years, beginning from 1872 when the first census was conducted in India non-synchronously in different parts. The 16th decennial Census data would be available by the year 2024 – perhaps just in time for the General Elections that year.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">Who will not be counted?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Census 2021 is unlikely to collect “caste wise” data as a similar exercise conducted in 2011 by another ministry threw up about <b>40 lakh caste names</b> that were difficult to tabulate.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>The 2011 caste data, collected as part of the Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC), is yet to be released by the Centre</b>. As per the National Commission for Backward Classes, there are 2,479 entries in the Central list of the Other Backward Classes (OBC).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><i>“The caste data is difficult to enumerate as last time when it was collected, we got as many as 40 lakh names of castes,”</i> said one official in an interview with <i>The Hindu</i> in August. <i>“For example, a person belonging to the Yadav caste wrote Yadu, Yaduvanshi... in the form; there is no standardisation. </i><b>People sometimes confuse caste with gotra,”</b> added the official.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">However, if the government needs to come up with informed social policies, it needs data on how the societies are constructed (or segregated) by collating the data on caste. These are some of the reasons why Census 2021 must definitely have caste-related data. India has numerous policies based on caste. The central and state governments implement quota for OBCs and economically weaker sections (upper castes not covered by the SC, ST and OBC quotas). <b>But reservations to various social groups are now being provided without knowing their share in the population (Marathas and Jats at the state level or upper castes at the central level).</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission, also known as the Mandal Commission, had faced this problem when it did not have updated data on caste while formulating its report recommending reservation for the OBCs in 1980. It had to depend on the <b>1931 census</b> <b>data</b>. It recommended that in the next decadal census, caste data must be collected.</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">At this moment, India’s reservation policies are based on data that are 90 years old. This in itself is a form of historical injustice.</span></i></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">How will technology help the enumerators?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Census exercise would involve 31 lakh (3.1 million) trained enumerators, with <b>data collected digitally using Android based mobile phones.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Over 90 per cent of enumerators engaged in the first test phase for Census 2021 opted to use a smartphone app, which will be deployed for the first time in the 16th decennial exercise, according to data from the Office of the Registrar General of India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A senior official told <i>The Indian Express</i> in September that 6,482 out of 7,102 enumerators registered for data collection through their own mobile devices for the pre-test period from April 12 to September 30 — <b>they will be given an incentive of Rs 5,000 each.</b> At the end of the house-listing test phase, mobile phones had synced the figures for 7.7 lakh houses with 26 lakh people to an official web portal, according to official data.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">While enumerators can enter data offline, taking into account regions with poor connectivity, they must be connected to the Internet to sync with the portal. <b>The app is currently only in English but will expand to regional languages for the Census.</b> Over the last year, the government has been discussing the use of mobile technology to decrease the time it takes to release the data, with sources in the Home Ministry saying that the new system could reduce the gap to 2-3 years.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Census will have code numbers linked to set responses for descriptive questions, to minimise varied responses that need to be categorised post-data collection. Officials say the 2011 Census publication was significantly delayed by a large number of varied responses to open-ended questions. The migration data for the 2011 Census was released at the end of July.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Up until 1965, a hand-held “card punch” was used for data collection. In 1991, the data was digitised on a personal computer and stored locally. Up until that point, the Census collected data of the entire country’s population, but only digitised a selected 5-40 per cent of the data. <b>The 2001 Census was a huge technological leap with an “intelligent character recognition system” that detected handwriting and allowed for all collected data to be digitised. This more than halved the public release time of 10 years.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This time the attempt will be to release the data by 2024.</span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-15615751460328391632019-12-20T18:50:00.003-08:002019-12-20T18:50:36.598-08:00कैसे मिलती है भारतीय नागरिकता, कैसी होती है खत्म<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">नागरिकता अधिकारों का गट्ठर है, जो व्यक्ति और राज्य के बीच संबंधों को परिभाषित करती है। भारत में मौलिक अधिकारों और कई वैधानिक अधिकारों का उपभोग भारतीय नागरिकता होने पर निर्भर हैं। जन्म और वंश से नागरिकता दुनिया भर के देश नागरिकता की दो अवधारणाओं का पालन करते हैं:</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>1-'jus soli' (मिट्टी का अधिकार)</b> या जन्मसिद्ध नागरिकता</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>2-'jus sanguinis' (रक्त का अधिकार)</b> या वंश द्वारा नागरिकता।</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">पहले मॉडल में, माता-पिता की राष्ट्रीयता की परवाह किए बिना उन सभी को नागरिकता दी जाती है जो देश की सीमा के भीतर पैदा हुए हैं। दूसरे मॉडल में, जन्म की जगह की परवाह किए बिना, माता-पिता दोनों में से किसी एक या दोनों की राष्ट्रीयता के आधार पर नागरिकता दी जाती है। </span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">भारत अपने नागरिकता कानूनों में इन दोनों मॉडलों का उपयोग करता है। संविधान के अनुच्छेद 5 के अनुसार, भारत में रह रहा व्यक्ति भारतीय नागरिक है, यदि:</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>1-</b> <b>वह भारतीय क्षेत्र में पैदा हुआ है, या</b></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>2- उनके माता-पिता में से किसी का जन्म भारतीय क्षेत्र में हुआ हो। तो, जन्म या वंश के साथ जुड़ा अधिवास नागरिकता का मुख्य कारक है।</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">यह ध्यान रखना दिलचस्प होगा कि संविधान के निर्माण के दौरान, कुछ सदस्यों ने धर्म को नागरिकता प्रदान करने के कारक के रूप में शामिल करने का तर्क दिया, लेकिन इस प्रस्ताव को संविधान सभा ने खारिज कर दिया, जिसने भारत को एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष गणराज्य के रूप में परिकल्पित किया था।</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">संविधान में पाकिस्तान से पलायन करने वालों को कुछ शर्तों (अनुच्छेद 6) के आधार पर नागरिकता देने का भी प्रावधान था। संविधान ने यह भी कहा कि नागरिकता पर संसद द्वारा बनाए गए कानून का संविधान के प्रावधानों (अनुच्छेद 11) पर अधिभावी प्रभाव पड़ेगा। 1955 में संसद द्वारा पारित नागरिकता कानून ही वह कानून है।</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">इस कानून में किए गए विभिन्न परिवर्तनों ने भारतीय नागरिकता के <b>'jus soli'</b> के सिद्धांत को कमजोर कर दिया है।</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">भारतीय नागरिकता प्राप्त करने के तरीके नागरिकता अधिनियम 1955 के तहत नागरिकता प्राप्त करने के चार तरीके हैं:</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>1-जन्म से नागरिकता</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>2-वंश द्वारा नागरिकता</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>3-पंजीकरण द्वारा नागरिकता</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>4-प्राकृतिकिकरण द्वारा नागरिकता।</b> </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">जन्म से नागरिकता (सेक्शन 3) नागरिकता अधिनियम की धारा 3 जन्म से नागरिकता से संबंधित है। जब पहली बार 1955 में कानून बनाया गया था, तब इस धारा में कहा गया था कि वे सभी जो 1 जनवरी 1950 को या उसके बाद भारत में पैदा हुए हैं, भारतीय नागरिक होंगे।1986 में इसमें संशोधन किया गया और जन्मजात नागरिकता को उन लोगों तक सीमित किया गया जो 1 जनवरी, 1950 और 1 जनवरी, 1987 के बीच भारत में पैदा हुए थे।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">कानून में एक शर्त ये जोड़ी गई कि 1 जनवरी, 1987 के बाद भारत में पैदा हुए लोगों को नागरिकता प्रदान करने के लिए, माता-पिता में से एक को भारतीय नागरिक होना चाहिए। इसने, उन लोगों को, भारत में जिनके दादा-दादी पैदा हुए थे,माता-पिता नहीं, उन्हें 'भारतीय मूल' के दायरे से बाहर रखकर, भी परिभाषा में बदलाव किया।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">2003 के संशोधन के बाद जन्मसिद्ध नागरिकता की शर्त को और कठोर कर दिया गया, जिसमें कहा गया कि 3 दिसंबर, 2004 के बाद पैदा हुए वो लोग, जिनके माता-पिता में से एक भारतीय हो और दूसरा अवैध प्रवासी न हो, वे भारतीय नागरिकता के पात्र होंगे।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>वंश द्वारा नागरिकता (धारा 4)</b></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">भारत के बाहर पैदा हुआ ऐसा व्यक्ति, जिसके माता-पिता उसके जन्म के समय भारत के नागरिक थे, वंश द्वारा भारत का नागरिक होगा। हालांकि ये एक शर्त के अधीन है कि जन्म के 1 वर्ष के भीतर भारतीय वाणिज्य दूतावास में उसके पंजीयन होना चाहिए, साथ ही एक घोषणा हो कि वह किसी अन्य देश का पासपोर्ट नहीं रखता है।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>पंजीकरण द्वारा नागरिकता (धारा 5)</b></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">यह साधन उन विदेशी नागरिकों के लिए भारतीय नागरिकता का द्वार खोलता है, जो विवाह या कुल के माध्यम से भारतीय नागरिक के साथ संबंध रखते हैं। </span></span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">आवेदक को इसके लिए भारत में रहने की निर्धारित अवधि की शर्तों को पूरा करना होता है। </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष सोनिया गांधी ने इसी तरीके से भारतीय नागरिकता प्राप्त की थी।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">प्राकृतिकिकरण द्वारा नागरिकता (धारा 6)</span></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">यह उन व्यक्तियों के लिए भारतीय नागरिकता पान का रास्ता है, जिनका रक्त, मिट्टी या विवाह के माध्यम से भारत के साथ कोई संबंध नहीं है।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">अधिनियम की तीसरी अनुसूची में प्राकृतिककरण की शर्तों का उल्लेख किया गया है। </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">आवेदक को (अवैध प्रवासी नहीं) आवेदन करने से पहले 12 महीनों तक की अवधि के लिए भारत में अविराम निवास करना चाहिए। 12 महीनों के उक्त अवधि से पहले आवेदक को चौदह वर्ष की अवधि में, कुल 11 साल तक भारत में निवास करना चाहिए।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">हाल ही में पारित नागरिकता संशोधन अधिनियम 2019 में पाकिस्तान, बांग्लादेश और अफगानिस्तान से आए गैर-मुस्लिम प्रवासियों के लिए, जिन्होंने 31 दिसंबर, 2014 से पहले भारत में प्रवेश किया थ, यह अवधि 11 वर्ष से घटाकर 5 वर्ष की गई है।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">पाकिस्तानी गायक अदनान सामी और दलाई लामा ऐसे उदाहरण हैं, जिन्हें धारा 6 के तहत भारत की नागरिकता दी गई है।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">केंद्र के पास किसी व्यक्ति को, जिसने उसकी राय में विज्ञान, दर्शन, कला, साहित्य, विश्व शांति और मानव प्रगति के क्षेत्र में विशिष्ट सेवा प्रदान की है, नागरिकता प्रदान करने के लिए प्राकृतिककरण की सभी शर्तों को समाप्त करने की शक्ति है।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">जो लोग पंजीकरण और प्राकृतिककरण द्वारा नागरिकता प्राप्त करते हैं, उन्हें वफादारी की शपथ की घोषणा करनी होती है और उन्हें अपनी पिछली नागरिकता का त्याग करना होता है।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">के कृष्णा बनाम भारत संघ और अन्य जेटी 2007 (7) एससी 258 के मामले में सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने कहा था कि एक व्यक्ति प्राकृतिककरण के माध्यम से नागरिकता का दावा नहीं कर सकता है। नागरिकता देना या न देना भारत सरकार की मरजी पर निर्भर है।</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>अवैध प्रवासियों को भारतीय नागरिकता का अधिकार नहीं</b></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">एक अवैध प्रवासी को प्राकृतिक तरीके से भारतीय नागरिकता प्राप्त करने का अधिकार नहीं है। </span></span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">अधिनियम की धारा 2 (1) (बी) के अनुसार, अवैध प्रवासी एक विदेशी है, जिसने वैध पासपोर्ट या यात्रा दस्तावेजों के बिना भारत में प्रवेश किया है, या भारत में दस्तावेजों में अनुमत समय अधिक अवधि तक रहा है।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">नागरिकता संशोधन अधिनियम 2019 पाकिस्तान, बांग्लादेश और अफगानिस्तान के गैर-मुस्लिम प्रवासियों के लिए ये शर्त समाप्त कर दी है। 2019 के संशोधन ने धारा 2 (1) (बी) में कहा है कि 31 दिसंबर, 2014 से पहले इन देशों से भारत आए हिंदू, सिख, जैन, बौद्ध, पारसी और ईसाई अवैध प्रवासी नहीं माने जाएंगे।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">भारतीय नागरिकता खोना</span></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">एक भारतीय नागरिक तीन तरीकों से अपनी नागरिकता खो सकता है:</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1-त्याग,</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2-समाप्ति</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3-अभाव।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">त्याग ( सेक्शन 8)</span></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">निर्धारित प्राधिकरण के पास, एक व्यक्ति ये घोषणापत्र देकर कि वो अपनी भारतीय नागरिकता का त्याग कर रहा है, नागरिकता का त्याग कर सकता है। घोषणापत्र देने के बाद, व्यक्ति और उसकी नाबालिग संतान की नागरिकता समाप्त हो जाएगी। हालांकि संतान के पास बालिग होने पर, बालिग होने के एक वर्ष के भीतर संबंधित प्राधिकरण को आवेदन देकर अपनी भारतीय नागरिकता को फिर से शुरू करने का विकल्प होता है।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">समाप्ति (धारा 9)</span></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">चूंकि भारतीय कानून दोहरी नागरिकता को मान्यता नहीं देता है, इसलिए एक व्यक्ति दूसरे देश की नागरिकता प्राप्त करते ही भारतीय नागरिक नहीं रह जाता।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">वंचन (धारा 10) </span></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">केवल पंजीकरण या प्राकृतिककरण के जरिए प्राप्त की गई है नागरिकता को ही रद्द किया जा सकता है।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">निम्नलिखित परिस्थितियों में, सुनवाई का उचित अवसर देने के बाद, केंद्र सरकार किसी व्यक्ति को नागरिकता से वंचित करने का आदेश पारित कर सकती है:</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1- पंजीकरण या प्राकृतिककरण का प्रमाण पत्र धोखाधड़ी, गलत बयानी या छिपाव के माध्यम से प्राप्त किया गया था।</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2- उस व्यक्ति ने भारत के संविधान के प्रति अरुचि या अप्रसन्नता दिखाई है।</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3- व्यक्ति ने युद्ध के दौरान दुश्मन के साथ संवाद किया है।</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">4- उस व्यक्ति को भारत की नागरिकता प्राप्त करने के पांच साल के भीतर किसी देश में आजीवन कारावास की सजा सुनाई गई है।</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5- व्यक्ति 7 वर्षों की निरंतर अवधि के लिए भारत के बाहर एक साधारण निवासी रहा है (जब तक कि निवास का उद्देश्य अकादमिक या सरकारी सेवा नहीं था)।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">भारत की विदेशी नागरिकता</span></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">जैसा कि ऊपर कहा गया है, भारतीय कानून दोहरी नागरिकता की अनुमति नहीं देता है। हालांकि, भारतीय मूल के व्यक्तियों, जिन्होंने विदेशी नागरिकता हासिल कर ली है, की लंबे समय से चली आ रही मांगों के मद्देनजर, भारत की विदेशी नागरिकता की अवधारणा को 2005 में नागरिकता अधिनियम में किए गए के संशोधन में पेश किया गया था।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">भारतीय मूल के व्यक्तियों को ओसीआई कार्ड प्रदान करने के लिए अधिनियम में धारा 7 ए को डाला गया था।</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">ओसीआई भारत की वास्तविक नागरिकता नहीं है। यह एक स्थिति है, जो कुछ विशेषाधिकार प्रदान करती है, जैसे कि बहु-प्रवेश और बहुउद्देश्यीय दीर्घकालीन वीजा, फॉरेनर्स एक्ट के तहत पंजीकरण से छूट, नॉन रेजिडेंट इंडियन के साथ समानता। हालांकि इसकी कई सीमाएं हैं, जैसेकि ओसीआई धारकों को मतदान का अधिकार नहीं है, संवैधानिक कार्यालयों को रखने का अधिकार नहीं और कृषि संपत्तियों को खरीदने का अधिकार नहीं है।</span></div>
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<b><span style="color: red; font-size: medium;">लाइव लॉ हिंदी </span></b></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-66346875425140516522019-12-19T00:01:00.000-08:002019-12-21T00:06:37.960-08:00क्या पुलिस विश्वविद्यालय/कॉलेज परिसर में बिना अनुमति के प्रवेश कर सकती है?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;">इस बात को लेकर हर कहीं बहस छिड़ी हुई है कि क्या पुलिस को किसी कॉलेज या विश्वविद्यालय परिसर में प्रवेश करने से पहले कॉलेज/विश्वविद्यालय प्रशासन या किसी अन्य प्राधिकरण से अनुमति लेने की आवश्यकता होती है? दिल्ली के जामिया मिलिया इस्लामिया यूनिवर्सिटी एवं उत्तर प्रदेश के अलीगढ मुस्लिम यूनिवर्सिटी में पुलिस द्वारा प्रवेश किये जाने के बाद यह सवाल सोशल मीडिया से लेकर आम चर्चा में छाया हुआ है। जामिया मिलिया इस्लामिया यूनिवर्सिटी में प्रवेश करने को लेकर पुलिस ने यह कहा है कि वे स्थिति को नियंत्रित करने के लिए ही विश्वविद्यालय परिसर में घुसे थे, जब प्रदर्शनकारियों ने दक्षिणी दिल्ली में न्यू फ्रेंड्स कॉलोनी इलाके के पास हिंसा की थी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इसके अलावा पुलिस सूत्रों की ओर से यह भी बताया गया है कि नागरिकता संशोधन अधिनियम के खिलाफ एक प्रदर्शन के दौरान, दक्षिणी दिल्ली में हिंसा भड़कने के तुरंत बाद, पुलिस ने जामिया मिलिया इस्लामिया परिसर में प्रवेश किया और विश्वविद्यालय के द्वार को बंद कर दिया जिससे कुछ "बाहरी लोगों" को, जो छिपने के लिए परिसर में घुस गए थे, पकड़ा जा सके। इस लेख में हम इस सवाल पर चर्चा करेंगे की क्या पुलिस को ऐसे कॉलेज/यूनिवर्सिटी परिसर में प्रवेश करने के लिए किसी की अनुमति लेने की आवश्यकता होती है अथवा नहीं और क्या हैं इससे सबंधित पुलिस के अन्य अधिकार।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">अनुमति लेने की नहीं है कोई आवश्यकता</span></span></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-N_BR_I87F6Y/Xf3PAyTmbCI/AAAAAAAA1yo/5-nUCuLjQyc0Zmmit88cpMQs-66lzfUGwCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/UGC-11-aug-14-big.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="338" data-original-width="666" height="324" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-N_BR_I87F6Y/Xf3PAyTmbCI/AAAAAAAA1yo/5-nUCuLjQyc0Zmmit88cpMQs-66lzfUGwCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/UGC-11-aug-14-big.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यदि एक वाक्य में इस सवाल का जवाब दिया जाना हो तो यह कहा जा सकता है कि, 'नहीं, पुलिस को किसी कॉलेज या यूनिवर्सिटी में प्रवेश करने के लिए किसी से भी अनुमति लेने की कोई आवश्यकता नहीं होती है।' देश में ऐसा कोई कानून नहीं है जो पुलिस को आवश्यकता पड़ने पर किसी भी स्थान में प्रवेश करने से रोकता हो (इसमें विश्वविद्यालय/कॉलेज परिसर भी शामिल हैं)। कानूनी रूप से, दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता, 1973 की धारा 41 के अनुसार, एक पुलिस अधिकारी, किसी व्यक्ति को गिरफ्तार करने के लिए, किसी भी स्थान (कॉलेज और विश्वविद्यालय सहित) में प्रवेश कर सकता है। साथ ही, विश्वविद्यालय प्रशासन को इस प्रक्रिया में पुलिस अधिकारियों की मदद करने की भी आवश्यकता होती है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इसके अलावा, वर्ष 2016 की शुरुआत में विश्वविद्यालय परिसरों के लिए विश्वविद्यालय अनुदान आयोग (UGC) द्वारा जारी किये गए सुरक्षा दिशानिर्देश यह कहते हैं कि रात में कैंपस में गश्त करने के लिए पुलिस को आमंत्रित किया जा सकता है। यूनिवर्सिटी ग्रांट कमीशन (UGC) के इस दिशा-निर्देश में भी यूनिवर्सिटी कैंपस में प्रवेश करने को लेकर पुलिस पर कोई प्रतिबंध नहीं लगाया गया है। पुलिस की वर्तमान एसओपी (स्टैण्डर्ड ऑपरेटिंग प्रोसीजर/मानक सञ्चालन प्रक्रिया) के अंतर्गत भी, कैंपस में प्रवेश करने से पूर्व अनुमति लेना, केवल स्थानीय पुलिस और विश्वविद्यालय के बीच एक समझ भर है और इसको लेकर पुलिस पर कोई बाध्यता नहीं है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">गौरतलब है कि अगर कोई विश्वविद्यालय/कॉलेज प्रशासन, ऐसा कोई नियम बनाता है जिसके अंतर्गत पुलिस को कैंपस में प्रवेश करने से पूर्व अनुमति लेनी होगी, तो ऐसा नियम निरर्थक साबित होगा क्योंकि दंड प्रक्रिया सहित, 1973 के अंतर्गत पुलिस को किसी भी स्थान में प्रवेश करने का अधिकार है। किन परिस्थितियों में पुलिस ऐसा कर सकती है इसे हम आगे समझेंगे।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता, 1973 के अंतर्गत पुलिस की शक्तियां</span></span><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-Gi4Hu4gV2bk/Xf3PTM33bLI/AAAAAAAA1yw/-f_qxuUIitM7m8rc7ZA5QxWFMOTIqceLwCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/jnu_ians-770x433.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="background-color: transparent; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="433" data-original-width="770" height="358" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-Gi4Hu4gV2bk/Xf3PTM33bLI/AAAAAAAA1yw/-f_qxuUIitM7m8rc7ZA5QxWFMOTIqceLwCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/jnu_ians-770x433.JPG" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">गौरतलब है कि <span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">विजयकुमार बनाम केरल राज्य 2004 (2) KLT 627 </span>के मामले में केरल उच्च न्यायालय ने यह माना था कि यदि परिस्थितियां ऐसी बनती हैं तो पुलिस, बिना किसी के अनुरोध या अनुमति के कॉलेज परिसर में प्रवेश कर सकती है, ताकि किसी भी प्रकार की आपराधिक गतिविधियों को रोका जा सके या अपराध करने वाले व्यक्तियों के खिलाफ कार्रवाई की जा सके। केरल उच्च न्यायालय का यह निर्णय, दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता, 1973 की विभिन्न धाराओं के साथ दिखाई पड़ता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">जैसा कि हम जानते हैं, सामान्य तौर पर, दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता, 1973 (सीआरपीसी) की धारा 41, पुलिस को गिरफ्तारी करने के लिए अधिकृत करती है। सीआरपीसी, मजिस्ट्रेट से प्राप्त वारंट के साथ या उसके बिना भी, पुलिस को गिरफ्तारी की विस्तृत शक्तियां प्रदान करती है। सीआरपीसी में ऐसा कोई प्रावधान नहीं है, जो किसी व्यक्ति की गिरफ्तारी के सम्बन्ध में पुलिस को किसी भी स्थान पर प्रवेश करने से प्रतिबंधित करता हो। इसके विपरीत, सीआरपीसी की धारा 48, स्पष्ट रूप से यह कहती है कि "एक पुलिस अधिकारी ऐसे किसी व्यक्ति को, जिसे गिरफ्तार करने के लिए वह प्राधिकृत है, वारंट के बिना गिरफ्तार करने के प्रयोजन से भारत के किसी स्थान में उस व्यक्ति का पीछा कर सकता है।" इस प्रकार, यदि कोई पुलिस अधिकारी किसी व्यक्ति को गिरफ्तार करने के लिए अधिकृत है, तो वह ऐसे व्यक्ति का, भारत में किसी भी स्थान तक पीछा कर सकता है, भले ही वह स्थान उसके अधिकार क्षेत्र से बाहर हो।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यही नहीं, यदि ऐसे किसी व्यक्ति को गिरफ्तार किया जाना है और पुलिस अधिकारी के लिए यह विश्वास करने का कारण मौजूद है कि ऐसा व्यक्ति, किसी स्थान (कॉलेज/यूनिवर्सिटी कैंपस सहित) में प्रवेश कर चुका है तो वह पुलिस अधिकारी उस स्थान में प्रवेश कर सकता है [धारा 47 (1)]। यही नहीं, उस स्थान का कण्ट्रोल रखने वाले व्यक्ति को, पुलिस को उस स्थान में प्रवेश करने देना होगा और पुलिस द्वारा तलाशी के लिए उचित सुविधाएँ देनी होंगी। इसके अलावा दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता की धारा 47 (2) भी, पुलिस को उस स्थान के भीतरी द्वार या खिड़की को तोड़कर प्रवेश करने की इजाजत देती है (जहाँ धारा 47 (1) के अंतर्गत प्रवेश प्राप्त करना संभव नहीं हो सका है)</span></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-NIyS4JGq_h4/Xf3QNfhV0oI/AAAAAAAA1y8/LUCm0rZNIRY_s1e0eHcesXGPSl-LcAlcQCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/5dd363d61f0000500ddeec44.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="464" data-original-width="630" height="470" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-NIyS4JGq_h4/Xf3QNfhV0oI/AAAAAAAA1y8/LUCm0rZNIRY_s1e0eHcesXGPSl-LcAlcQCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/5dd363d61f0000500ddeec44.jpeg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">"यदि गिरफ्तारी के वारंट के अधीन कार्य करने वाले व्यक्ति को, या गिरफ्तारी करने के लिए प्राधिकृत किसी पुलिस अधिकारी को, यह विश्वास करने का कारण है कि वह व्यक्ति जिसे गिरफ्तार किया जाना है, किसी स्थान में प्रविष्ट हुआ है, या उसके अन्दर है तो ऐसे स्थान में निवास करने वाला, उस स्थान का भारसाधक कोई भी व्यक्ति, पूर्वोक्त रूप में कार्य करने वाले व्यक्ति द्वारा या ऐसे पुलिस अधिकारी द्वारा मांग किये जाने पर उसमे उसे अबाध प्रवेश करने देगा और उसके अन्दर तलाशी लेने के लिए सब उचित सुविधाएँ देगा।"</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इसके अलावा, सीआरपीसी की धारा 165 और 166, पुलिस को, बिना किसी तलाशी वारंट के, किसी संज्ञेय अपराध में अन्वेषण के प्रयोजनों के लिए, किसी भी स्थान पर तलाशी के लिए अनुमति देती हैं। इस तरह की तलाशी के संचालन की प्रक्रिया, सीआरपीसी की धारा 100 में अधिनियमित है, और इस धारा की उपधारा (2) में यह प्रावधान है कि धारा 47 (2) के प्रावधान के अनुसार ही, तलाशी के प्रयोजन के लिए उस स्थान के भीतरी द्वार या खिड़की को तोड़कर प्रवेश किया जा सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">भले वर्ष 2015 में पुलिस द्वारा JNU में प्रवेश करना रहा हो या वर्ष 2016-17 में, सुरक्षाकर्मियों और पुलिस द्वारा पुलवामा विश्वविद्यालय के एक कॉलेज परिसर में प्रवेश करना रहा हो (जहाँ पुलिस द्वारा, भारत विरोधी नारे लगाने के आरोप में बुक किए गए छात्रों को गिरफ्तार करने के लिए प्रवेश किया गया था), हर बार ऐसी घटनाएँ बहुत सारे सवाल छोड़ जाती हैं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">हमने यह भी देखा है कि पुलिस, आम तौर पर विश्वविद्यालय परिसरों में प्रवेश नहीं करती है, क्योंकि छात्रों के खिलाफ कार्रवाई अक्सर अच्छे रूप में नहीं देखी जाती है, और इसके चलते कानून-व्यवस्था बिगड़ने की काफी सम्भावना रहती है। ड्यूटी पर मौजूद पुलिस अधिकारी, इस बाबत निर्णय लेने के लिए सक्षम हैं कि आखिर कब वे कॉलेज/यूनिवर्सिटी में प्रवेश करने के लिए कानूनी रूप से सशक्त हैं। हालाँकि पुलिस द्वारा इस सम्बन्ध में निर्णय बहुत सोच समझ कर ही लिया जाना चाहिए, और सीआरपीसी के अंतर्गत पुलिस को प्रदत्त शक्तियों की सीमाओं के भीतर ही ऐसे निर्णयों को अंजाम दिया जाना चाहिये|</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यह जरुर है कि पुलिस का कर्तव्य, कानून-व्यवस्था को बनाये रखना है, लेकिन पुलिस के लिए इस कर्तव्य के साथ उचित सावधानी बरतनी भी आवश्यक है, और इसलिए कॉलेज/यूनिवर्सिटी परिसर में प्रवेश करने का कोई भी कदम, कभी भी मनमाना नहीं होना चाहिए|</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">अंत में, मौजूदा कानून में ऐसा कुछ भी नहीं है, जिसके चलते पुलिस को किसी व्यक्ति की गिरफ्तारी के लिए, जिसकी गिरफ्तारी का अधिकार पुलिस के पास है, या तलाशी के लिए, विश्वविद्यालय में प्रवेश करने से लिए पहले विश्वविद्यालय के कुलपति (वीसी) से औपचारिक रूप से अनुमति लेनी चाहिए। यह केवल एक शिष्टाचार के तौर पर है कि आम तौर पर पुलिस एक शैक्षणिक संस्थान के उच्च अधिकारियों को ऐसा कुछ भी करने से पूर्व विश्वास में लेती है (या तो उसकी अनुमति लेकर या अग्रिम में उसे सूचित करके)।</span></div>
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<b><span style="color: red;">लाइव लॉ हिंदी </span></b></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-65595386295605861362019-12-18T23:47:00.000-08:002019-12-19T03:17:25.498-08:00Constitutional Validity of Citizenhip Amendment Act- Utkarsh<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-lggBJNWT1y0/XfsMdsCJTqI/AAAAAAAA1qs/U5spu_nmA5otn5YoTRQT5pASr3BtL1jvACEwYBhgL/s1600/367884-citizenship-amendment-bill-2019.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="390" data-original-width="650" height="384" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-lggBJNWT1y0/XfsMdsCJTqI/AAAAAAAA1qs/U5spu_nmA5otn5YoTRQT5pASr3BtL1jvACEwYBhgL/s640/367884-citizenship-amendment-bill-2019.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Article 14 of the Indian constitution guarantees, Right to equality and equal protection of law. Equal protection of law enables government to make special laws for special classes of society, as Honble HM Amit Shah did in the CAA. Their is nothing wrong in making special laws for particular section of society, but this classification must be reasonable and must be based on intelligible differentia, for example govt can positively discriminate and make special provisions for women, children and other weaker sections of the society.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The apex court said that reasonable classification must pass three tests :</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i>1) It must be reasonable.</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i>2) </i></b></span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i>Object of the legislation must be rational and just.</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i>3) It must not be arbitrary.</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Reasonability</b> means result shall not be absurd. Any law can not show sympathy to a specific religious group and antipathy towards other, which is clearly happening in this act.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Reasonability</b> means law should not be 'cherry picking' in nature. To choose one and reject other without any valid reason is not reasonable.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Under this act special status is to be provided to persecuted minorities of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i>Now lets talk whether it is reasonable to provide citizenship to persecuted minorities of other countries??</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">If yes, then why only in 3 neighbouring countries? </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Why doesn't it provide citizenship to persecuted Tamilians of Srilanka ( Tamilians are minority in Srilanka & are largest refugee group in India ), why doesn't it apply to Myanmar and China ?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In many cases the apex court held that, not every classification is reasonable. Article 14 forbids class legislation, and class legislation is not reasonable classification.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In <b><a href="https://indiankanoon.org/doc/195765/" target="_blank">Chitra Ghose v. U.O.I.</a></b> (1969) hon'ble Supreme Court provided that any classification based on language, religion, race, sex and place of birth is not a reasonable classification.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b><i>The 2nd test is, does it has a rational object or just object to achieve?</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In<u> <a href="https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1342109/" target="_blank">P. Rajendra v. State of Madras</a></u>, State govt made law which distributed seats in medical colleges according to the population of each district, as we know that after the independence members of parliament were decided by the population of the districts.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">But in the said case the cout held that this classification has no rational object, the very object of the law is to select a candidate according to his qualification, and thus struck down the act.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In the same fashion this bill is not applicable to north eastern states, it means if any persecuted minority has shifted to Assam and Arunachal pradesh, she/he will not be entitled to citizenship. </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">If the object of the law is to protect the minority how does it change if a person migrated to xyz state !</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><i>The third test is, it must not be Arbitrary.</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Arbitrary means state can not make law which says the people who have good Beard should be treated differently and who don't have beard be treated differently, as Nazi law believed people who have specific type of nose are Jews & hence, are threat to the nation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In the same way provision regarding migration is unjust. People who migrated before 2014 are persecuted according to this law and people migrated after that are not , since this law is applicable to only persons migrated before 31st December, 2014.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">What is the guarantee that person migrated after December 2014 or people who will migrate in furure will not be persecuted ??</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Is it not arbitrary...!!!</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Therefore this law has failed in all the three tests of reasonable classification. </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Taking above rationals in consideration, the CAA is brazenly unconstitutional & can not stand the test of the court.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #cc0000; font-size: medium;"><b><a href="https://www.facebook.com/utkarsh.gupta.3154284" style="color: #cb2909; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Utkarsh</a></b></span></div>
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<span id="goog_267536396"></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>A Law student, Autodidact and philomath.</b></span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-59177738352795543502019-12-18T22:00:00.000-08:002019-12-18T22:07:27.041-08:00Citizen Amendment Bill & its Controversies.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">The government of India has re-introduced the </span><span style="font-size: large;">Citizenship Amendment Bill, and protests have erupted </span><span style="font-size: large;">again. It seeks to bestow Indian nationality upon </span><span style="font-size: large;">non-Muslim refugees from Pakistan, Bangladesh and </span><span style="font-size: large;">Afghanistan. The government argues that Muslims can </span><span style="font-size: large;">seek refuge in Islamic nations. CAB won't apply to areas </span><span style="font-size: large;">under the sixth schedule of the Constitution or states </span><span style="font-size: large;">with Inner-Line Permit. Politically, the bill makes sense. </span><span style="font-size: large;">Fundamentally, it is communal. Meanwhile, a struggling </span><span style="font-size: large;">economy awaits attention. India can use its resources </span><span style="font-size: large;">and leaders better</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">What is dividing India now?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Narendra Modi-led government on Dec. 9 tabled the controversial <b>Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2019</b> in the lower house (<i>Lok Sabha</i>) of Parliament amidst an uproar from Opposition parties who called it anti-minority and contrary to the spirit of the Constitution.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The ruling NDA coalition, which has a brute majority in Lok Sabha, managed to get the bill passed in the Lok Sabha with 311 in favour and 80 against. The Bill is likely to be taken up in the <i>Rajya Sabha</i> on Dec. 13. Like its previous edition, it is bound to get stuck in the upper house though this time the Modi government appears to be more prepared.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In his reply to over six-hour-long debate on the Bill, Union Home Minister Amit Shah insisted that the proposed law does not discriminate against Indian Muslims but is <b>aimed at protecting the persecuted minorities in Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan.</b> He said the Bill was a result of the failure of the 1950 <b>Nehru-Liaquat pact</b>. The home minister said there is a difference between illegal immigrants and refugees. The bill was first introduced in the Lok Sabha in 2016, but the Modi government in its first term could not get the Bill passed in Rajya Sabha and it lapsed with the dissolution of the last Lok Sabha.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Members of the Congress, Trinamool Congress, Left parties and others disputed this, terming it divisive and that it was a ‘trap’ and inextricably linked to the <b>National Register of Citizens</b> (NRC) exercise, which has ‘failed’ in Assam. Shah said there was no linkage, and only those indulging in <i>“vote bank politics”</i> were thinking of it as a trap. He accused <b><i>“some parties”</i> of creating an <i>“atmosphere of fear”</i>. <i>“We are very clear that we will carry out the NRC. This is not a ‘background’ for it, our manifesto is the background,”</i></b> Shah said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Opposition members said the Bill violated the Constitution, especially equality before law enshrined in <b>Article 14 of the Constitution that grants the right to equality</b>. The Congress resolved to move the Supreme Court once Parliament passes the Bill. Trinamool’s Abhishek Banerjee said the West Bengal government would not allow NRC in the state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Shah disagreed that it was uncosntitutional, pointing out that the Bill would grant citizenship to <i>“persecuted minorities”</i> in theocratic states of Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. <b>He said Muslims were not covered under the Bill since they were not a minority in these three countries.</b> Shah sought to assure the minorities that the government was committed to give security and equal rights to all citizens.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">What is the Nehru-Liaquat pact Shah referred to?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Liaquat Ali Khan was the Prime Minister of Pakistan when he and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru signed an agreement in Delhi in 1950. <i>The Delhi Pact is more commonly called the Nehru-Liaquat pact.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The agreement was signed in the backdrop of large-scale migration of people belonging to minority communities between the two countries in the wake of attacks by the majority communities in their respective territories. <b>The immediate concern was the exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan (which later sought Independence as Bangladesh) and Muslims from West Bengal.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India and Pakistan already had strained their relation with Pakistan’s intrusion in Jammu and Kashmir. The economic ties had been severed between India and Pakistan by December 1949. The exodus of minority Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists in Pakistan, and Muslims in India led to a growing refugee crisis.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Nehru and Liaquat opened channel of communication and reached an agreement in April 1950. Under the Nehru-Liaquat pact </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">refugees were allowed to return unmolested to sell their property </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">abducted women and looted property were to be returned </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">forced conversions were to be unrecognized </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">minority rights were confirmed</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">As a result, minority commissions were established in the two countries to implement these terms of Nehru-Liaquat pact. This measure led to restoration of confidence, at least in parts.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">This was the same Nehru-Liaquat pact over which Shyama Prasad Mookerjee quit as industry minister from Nehru’s cabinet just two days ahead of the signing of the Delhi Pact. Mookerjee later formed the Bharatiya Jan Sangh, the precursor of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">However, whether Nehru-Liaquat pact achieved its stated objectives has remained debatable. The exodus of Hindus from then East Pakistan to West Bengal in India continued for months after the Nehru-Liaquat pact was signed.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Why is the Bill controversial?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The CAB ring-fences Muslim identity by implicitly declaring India as the natural homeland of all other religious communities. </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Critics of the Bill say it seeks to legally establish Muslims as second-class citizens of India by providing preferential treatment to other groups. This violates the Constitution’s Article 14, the fundamental right to equality to all persons. </span><b style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-large;">This basic structure of the Constitution, of which secularism is an integral part, cannot be reshaped by any Parliament.</b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"> The manner in which the law has been drafted – without acknowledging </span><b style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: x-large;">the mistreatment of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar</b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"> for example – makes it clear that it is aimed squarely at keeping out Muslims.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Home Minister is claiming that Congress partitioned India on religious grounds, but then did not do enough to provide a refuge for non-Muslims in Pakistan who were not safe despite a pact between the two countries. This is his explanation for why his bill singles out Muslims, and allows every community to illegally enter India and still be eligible for citizenship. <b>The problem here is that it presumes India was created specifically for non-Muslims, just as Pakistan wanted to be an Islamic state</b>.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The north-eastern states are against the Bill as they believe it will lead to a greater influx of illegal migrants.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Seeing the opposition to the Bill in the region, the BJP-led government has decided to exempt parts of the region which are under <b>the sixth schedule of the Constitution</b> – which deals with autonomous tribal-dominated regions in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. <b>The bill will also not apply to states that have the inner-line permit regime</b> (Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram). Shah even declared in the Lok Sabha that <b>the</b> <b>Inner Line Permit system would be extended to Manipur.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The bill was redrafted by the Centre following widespread objection by groups in the North East that fear that once the Bill is passed, local populations defined as indigenous to the region will be culturally and physically swamped by migrants. After a series of consultations with these groups, Shah’s ministry tweaked the bill: in the revised draft, the changes to India’s citizenship law will not be applicable to regions in the North East protected by the Inner Line Permit and Sixth Schedule provisions. <b>Both regimes aim to protect the way of life of tribal communities</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Note</b>: <b>Inner Line Permit</b> (ILP) is an official travel document issued by the Government of India to allow inward travel of an Indian citizen into a protected area for a limited period. It is obligatory for Indian citizens from outside those states to obtain a permit for entering into the protected state. Interestingly, the Inner Line Permit, which flows from the <b>Bengal Eastern Frontier </b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Regulation</b>, was put in place in 1873 by the colonial government. It was not meant to protect vulnerable tribal communities but to exclude them. The colonial administration drew the Inner Line primarily to insulate the plains and valleys of the North East, replete with commercial potential, from the hills inhabited by tribes whom the British deemed ungovernable and “savage”. The Inner Line supposed to discourage the hill tribes from entering these commercial spaces. Conversely, no “British subject or foreigner” could also cross the inner line without permission. Hill communities made periodic incursions into tea gardens and other commercial areas within the inner line and pillaged them as an act of defiance.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">When can a refugee become an Indian citizen?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Bill seeks to amend the definition of <i>illegal immigrant</i> for Hindu, Sikh, Parsi, Buddhist and Christian immigrants from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh, who have lived in India without documentation. <b>They will be granted fast-track Indian citizenship in six years. So far, 12 years of residence has been the standard eligibility requirement for naturalisation.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The proposed legislation applies to those who were <i>“forced or compelled to seek shelter in India due to persecution on the ground of religion”.</i> It aims to protect such people from proceedings of illegal migration. <b>The cut-off date for citizenship is December 31, 2014</b>, which means the applicant should have entered India on or before that date.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Indian citizenship, under the present law, is given either to those born in India or if they have resided in the country for a minimum of 11 years</b>. The Bill also proposes to incorporate a sub-section (d) to Section 7, providing for <b>cancellation of Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) registration where the OCI card-holder has violated any provision of the Citizenship Act</b> or any other law in force.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Under the 1955 Act, an OCI cardholder’s registration may be cancelled if he violates a law for which he is: (i) sentenced to imprisonment for two years or more, and (ii) within five years of his OCI registration. The Bill adds another ground for cancelling OCI registration, which is <b>violation of any law of the country by an OCI.</b> This means that even offences with: (i) lesser penalties, or (ii) which have been committed after five years of registration could be covered under the Bill. This makes the earlier provision redundant. <b>This provision also grants the central government wide discretion to cancel OCI registration for a range of violations.</b> This will include serious offences like murder, as well as minor offences like violation of a traffic law (such as jumping a red light).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The government says these minority groups have come to India after escaping persecution in Muslim-majority nations. However, the logic is not consistent – the bill does not protect all religious minorities, nor does it apply to all neighbours. <b>The Ahmedia Muslim sect and even Shias face discrimination in Pakistan</b>. <b>Rohingya Muslims and Hindus face persecution in neighbouring Burma, and Hindu and so do Christian Tamils in neighbouring Sri Lanka</b>. The government responds that Muslims can seek refuge in Islamic nations, but has not answered the other questions.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Where is this Bill different from the NRC?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The National Register of Citizens (NRC), the process of which has been recently completed in Assam, looks to remove illegal immigrants from India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">According to NRC, a person, to be eligible to be a citizen, would have to prove that either they or their ancestors were in India on or before <b>March 24, 1971</b>, the eve of the Bangladesh War. The war of liberation had begun in Bangladesh the next day, which sent thousands of refugees to India. The Centre would be extending the NRC process to the rest of India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The NRC has nothing to do with religion, whereas, the CAB is based on some faiths. Some groups in the state of Assam feel that <b>CAB could nullify the 1985 Assam Accord, which had set March 24, 1971, as the cut-off date for deportation of illegal refugees.</b> While the NRC was aimed at deportation of illegal immigrants irrespective of their religions, the CAB is likely to benefit non-Muslim migrants, according to some activists.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The BJP has claimed that the CAB will assist those left out of the final NRC. However, experts say that the CAB, which provides citizenship to minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan, <b>cannot help the Gorkhas, Scheduled Tribes, Bhojpuri, Koch Rajbongshi and Tea Tribes as they cannot claim to have migrated from these nations</b>. The only people who would benefit from the CAB are the Hindus who were excluded from the NRC. The government has promised them that they won’t be asked to leave India (it is not clear where any non-citizen can be sent to anyway – <i>Bangladesh won’t accept them</i>, it has made clear on many occasions).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>From the government’s point of view, the NRC was a colossal failure in Assam since, contrary to expectations, more than 60% of the 2 million who couldn’t prove their citizenship were Hindus</b>; and that is why the process is to be repeated though it is not clear how, the second time around, the result will be materially different. What is worrying is the potential damage the NRC will cause and whether this will deteriorate into a communal problem particularly if there is a fear — the CAB does a lot to trigger that fear — that Muslim immigrants can be deported or put in detention camps.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">At the end of it, this is about who in India have got the right to claim the fundamental rights.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Whose exclusion is the most mysterious?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>“Muslim population in India has increased from 9.8 percent in 1951 to 14.8 percent in 2011 while the Hindu population has decreased from 84 percent in 1951 to 79 percent in 2011,”</b></i> said Amit Shah during the long parliament session that debated the controversial bill. <b>“Whereas, the minority population in Pakistan has decreased from 23 percent in 1947 to 3.7 percent in 2011</b>. Similarly, the minority population in Bangladesh has decreased from 22 percent in 1947 to 7 percent in 2011,” assuring everyone that obviously the Modi government would not exclude citizens based on their religions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Even if the intent of the Bill is to create a natural homeland for Hindus across the world, it is not clear why Sri Lanka doesn’t feature in the list of source (‘persecuting’) nations. The Centre has been asked to explain <b>why Sri Lanka’s Tamil population, who are predominantly Hindu, and who have faced persecution from the Sinhala majoritarian forces in the island nation, are excluded from the Bill.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>After all, it is in Sri Lanka that the highest proportion (12.6%) of Hindus live, outside India.</b> <b>And it is in Sri Lanka that maximum Hindus have been killed after 1971 — the year Bangladesh came into being.</b> Yet, while the island nation is excluded in the Citizenship Amendment Bill, India’s eastern neighbour figures in it. To allow refugees from Sri Lanka would unleash a huge influx, which most certainly the government doesn’t want to deal with. <b>It is clear the Bill is symbolic even in its purported intention and is aimed at the domestic audience.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Right from 4 February 1948 - the day Sri Lanka became independent - Tamils have been denied their rights in the island nation. Further, a quarter-century long civil war raged in Sri Lanka between 1983 and 2009. It claimed between 150,000 and 200,000 Tamil (as well as Sinhala) lives, and a huge number of them were of Tamil origin. Even in the late 1980s, hundreds of Tamils died in clashes between the <i>Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam</i> (LTTE) cadres and the <i>Indian Peace Keeping Force</i> (IPKF), which also suffered heavy casualties.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The BJP is also – in all likelihood - afraid of offending people in India’s only Tamil-majority state. Tamil Nadu has so far resisted the ruling party’s Hindutva outlook. The BJP has hardly any base in the state. It was routed in the Lok Sabha poll held earlier this year. Even its alliance partner, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham, (whose position on the LTTE has differed from the Dravida Munnetra Kazagham or DMK stance) could win only one seat there. The BJP would be unlikely to risk further isolation in the south.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Therefore, domestic policy has trumped the Centre’s avowed ambition to provide a safe refuge for Hindus or other non-Muslims with <i>“roots”</i> in India. This political compulsion is why the government would refrain from including Sri Lanka in the Citizenship Bill, while it has included Afghanistan, a country with which India does not even share a border. Tamil Hindu refugees in India will not be getting Indian citizenship. <i>Either they are not persecuted enough or they are not Hindu enough.</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">How strong is India’s secular fabric?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">At least 43 workers, most of them Muslims, died in the terrible Anaj Mandi fire. Many transcripts of the last phone calls made by the stuck workers have emerged. <i>Who would you call when you are breathing your last?</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Their heart-wrenching last telephonic conversation left many in tears - with moist eyes, 33-year-old <b>Monu Aggarwal</b> said that the call from his childhood friend <b>Musharraf Ali</b>, before he was killed in the Anaj Mandi blaze, was recorded <i>"by chance".</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The telephonic conversation was later aired on television news channels and shared widely on social media websites. As he awaited certain death surrounded by toxic smoke, <b>Musharraf (whom Monu addressed as Musa) asked his friend Monu to take care of his family - his elderly mother, wife and two children aged below eight - after his death</b>. On Dec. 9, it was Aggarwal who accompanied Ali's mother to Delhi to claim his body.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">This is the transcript of <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://youtu.be/MrA1FWUdTb4?t%3D7&source=gmail&ust=1576818133216000&usg=AFQjCNFnbXZX-v4F9hkv7kx2fRCsl5gd3A" href="https://youtu.be/MrA1FWUdTb4?t=7" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">the heart breaking call</a>: <i>“Brother, I am dying now.” “What” “Yes, I am about to be finished. The fire is about to reach here.” “You please come to Karol Bagh” “Where” “You know Gulzar – take the number from him”. “I am in a room right now. Caught in a fire. There is no way out.”</i> <i>“Why don’t you run?”</i> <i>“No Monu, there is no way out”.</i> [Now Musharraf begins to get emotional] <b>“My story gets over today. Please take care of my family.”</b> <i>“Brother…”</i> (Monu is not sure what to say) <i>“Now I only have you to rely upon Monu”</i>. <i>“I am unable to breathe now Monu”</i>. <i>“How did the fire start?”</i> <i>“I don’t know.” “There are many more here.” “Did you call fire brigade?”</i> <i>“Nothing can happen now.”</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It’s the last part that is the most heart-breaking. <i>What would you think of right before you die?</i> <b>Musha asked Monu to make sure a certain Imamuddin receives the 5,000 rupees (about $70) that perhaps Musha had borrowed earlier.</b> Even as he is losing breath, Musha says, <i>“Please make sure Imamuddin gets his 5,000”</i>. <i>“Who?”</i> <i>“Imamuddin”</i> <i>“Don’t take any tension. I will make it happen.”</i> <i>“Don’t stop the money, brother”</i> (Musha is now struggling to speak). <i>“No no, I won’t” “Why are you so anxious. Just get alright. Nothing will happen to you”.</i> <i>“Oh….”</i> (Musha is unable to speak) <i>“Don’t worry”,</i> says Monu. <i>“I am over, Monu”. “Musha, Musha…”</i> <i>“Fire truck didn’t arrive?”</i> <i>“No” “Brother, you will remain alive”</i> <i>“Unable to breathe, friend”</i>…..</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The two friends belonged to Uttar Pradesh's Bijnor district. <i>"Our houses are in the same lane. We would talk for hours, discuss everything under the sun. We stood by each other through thick and thin,"</i> he said. <b>"Musharraf was more than my brother. Religion never came between us. On Eid, his family would host me. On Diwali, I would do the same,"</b> he recalled. <b>"His children are my children now. I did not get married because of personal reasons. Maybe god kept me unmarried because he knew these children would need me,"</b> he said, trying to hold back tears.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Monu said he lost his father when he was just eight years old and knows the pain of children who do not have a father. "Ali was born after his mother suffered nine miscarriages. He was their only son. His father died six months ago.... He was on leave and came to Delhi on Friday," he said. <i>"I have a small business. I do not wish for riches. I pray to god to give me enough to feed the two families. I will adjust anyhow. I will do all that I can till my last breath,"</i> Monu, who runs a small cookware store in Bijnor's Nagina area, concluded.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Asked if he intentionally recorded the phone call, Monu told: <i>"I never recorded our conversation. It happened by chance. I believe my finger touched the recording button while I flipped open the phone cover." "I only got to know about it through a notification after the call ended,"</i> he added. That last call of Musha to Monu wasn’t recorded by chance. It is a reminder to the country of its unshakeable secular roots. When the time comes, Monu will present the papers of Musha’s children to prove that they are citizens of India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Another key takeaway is that there are people so poor in this country that, even as they burn to death, they worry about repaying 5,000 rupees. <i>Priorities need to be revisited if India has to become great again.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><i><b>**************************************************</b></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b><u>References:</u></b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: blue; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2019/dec/09/explained-what-is-citizenship-amendment-bill-2073646.html" style="background-color: transparent; text-align: left;" target="_blank">Explained: What is the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill and why is it controversial?</a></span></div>
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<span style="color: orange;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/" style="background-color: white;"><span id="goog_600657053"></span>Religion Never Came Between Us, Says Friend Of Delhi Fire Victim</a></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span id="goog_600657054"></span><span style="color: orange;"><br /></span></span></div>
<span style="color: orange;"><a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/et-explains/citizenship-amendment-bill-what-does-it-do-and-why-is-it-seen-as-a-problem/articleshow/72436995.cms" style="background-color: white;" target="_blank">Citizenship (Amendment) Act: What does it do and why is it seen as a problem</a></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="color: orange;"><a href="https://www.indiatoday.in/news-analysis/story/nehru-liaquat-pact-that-amit-shah-referred-to-defend-citizenship-bill-1627036-2019-12-10" style="background-color: white;" target="_blank">What is Nehru-Liaquat pact that Amit Shah referred to defend Citizenship Amendment Bill?</a></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="color: orange;"><a href="https://www.business-standard.com/article/politics/citizenship-bill-not-anti-muslim-but-against-infiltrators-says-shah-119121000019_1.html" style="background-color: white;" target="_blank">At the stroke of midnight, Lok Sabha passes Citizenship Amendment Bill</a></span><br />
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<span style="color: orange;"><a href="https://scroll.in/article/946339/as-manipur-gets-inner-line-permit-many-citizenship-bill-protestors-are-still-unconvinced" style="background-color: white;" target="_blank">As Manipur gets Inner Line Permit, many Citizenship Bill protestors are still unconvinced </a></span><br />
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<span style="color: orange; font-size: small;"><a href="https://www.newsclick.in/CAB-What-Indians-Must-Know-About-Sri-Lanka-Exclusion" style="background-color: white;">CAB: What Indians Must Know About Sri Lanka’s Exclusion</a></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: blue;"><a href="https://www.cnbctv18.com/politics/citizenship-amendment-bill-introduced-in-ls-how-is-cab-different-from-nrc-4839211.htm" target="_blank">The difference between Citizenship Act and NRC, explained</a></span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-13908287740202617142019-12-06T10:54:00.000-08:002019-12-06T10:55:34.127-08:00जानिए कैसे नियुक्त होते है भारत के मुख्य न्यायधीश ?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;">भारत का संविधान, 1950 अनुच्छेद 124 के तहत "सर्वोच्च न्यायालय की स्थापना और संविधान" की व्यवस्था करता है। अनुच्छेद 124 (1) के अनुसार सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में भारत के मुख्य न्यायाधीश और ऐसे अन्य न्यायाधीश शामिल होते हैं। अनुच्छेद 124 (2) के तहत सीजेआई सहित सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के न्यायाधीशों की नियुक्ति की शर्तें हैं:</span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">1. "सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के प्रत्येक न्यायाधीश को राष्ट्रपति द्वारा उसके हस्ताक्षरा और मुहर के तहत वारंट द्वारा नियुक्त किया जाएगा…"</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">2. "…सर्वोच्च न्यायालय और राज्यों में उच्च न्यायालयों के न्यायाधीशों के साथ परामर्श के बाद, जिसे राष्ट्रपति इस उद्देश्य के लिए आवश्यक समझे…"</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">3. "… और वह तब तक पद पर रह सकते हैं, जब तक पैंसठ वर्ष के नहीं हो जाते।"</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">अनुच्छेद 124 (2) ("मुख्य न्यायाधीश के अलावा किसी अन्य न्यायाधीश की नियुक्ति के मामले में भारत के मुख्य न्यायाधीश से हमेशा सलाह ली जाएगी।") की पहली शर्त CJI को शामिल करने की धारणा को वाक्यांश "सुप्रीम कोर्ट का प्रत्येक जज" से स्पष्ट करता है। अनुच्छेद 124 (3) के तहत, CJI सहित सुप्रीम कोर्ट के न्यायाधीश के रूप में नियुक्ति के लिए पात्रता मानदंड निम्नलिखित हैं:</span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">1. भारत का नागरिक</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">2. या तो निम्न में से:</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">3. कम से कम पांच साल एक उच्च न्यायालय में या ऐसे दो न्यायालयों में लगातार न्यायाधीश हो</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">4. या कम से कम दस साल उच्च न्यायालय या ऐसे दो या अधिक न्यायलयों में लगातर वकालत कर चुका हो</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">5. राष्ट्रपति की राय में एक प्रतिष्ठित न्यायविद</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">अनुच्छेद 124 (6) CJI सहित सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के न्यायाधीश के लिए नियुक्ति के बाद के आदेशों को तय करता है अर्थात "प्रत्येक व्यक्ति, जिसे सर्वोच्च न्यायालय का न्यायाधीश नियुक्त किया गया है, इससे पहले कि वह अपने कार्यालय में प्रवेश करे, राष्ट्रपति के समक्ष या उनके द्वारा अपने स्थान पर नियुक्त किसी व्यक्ति से, तीसरी अनुसूची में इस उद्देश्य के लिए निर्धारित प्रपत्र के अनुसार शपथ ले। "</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">डिपार्टमेंट ऑप जस्टिस की आधिकारिक वेबसाइट पर प्रकाशित ज्ञापन में प्रदर्शित "भारत के मुख्य न्यायाधीश और भारत की सुप्रीम कोर्ट के न्यायाधीशों की नियुक्ति प्रक्रिया के अनुसार, मुख्य न्यायाधीश के रूप में नियुक्त होने के लिए निम्न अर्हताएं हैं:</span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">1. सुप्रीम कोर्ट के वरिष्ठतम न्यायाधीश</span></i></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">2. कार्यालय संभालने के लिए उपयुक्त - यहाँ संविधान के अनुच्छेद 124 (2) में परिकल्पित अन्य न्यायाधीशों के साथ परामर्श भारत के अगले मुख्य न्यायाधीश की नियुक्ति के लिए किया जाएगा।</span></i></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">वरिष्ठतम न्यायाधीश का क्या अर्थ है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">वरिष्ठता का निर्णय सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में अनुभव के आधार पर किया जाता है न कि न्यायाधीशों की आयु के अनुसार। इसलिए, सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में शामिल होने की तारीख से आमतौर पर वरिष्ठता तय की जाती है। लेकिन ऐसे मामलों में जहां सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में शामिल होने की तारीख समान है तो जो पहले शपथ लेता है उसे वरिष्ठ माना जाता है। यदि दूसरा फिल्टर भी उसी दिन पड़ता है अनुभव को आधार माना जाता है। इसके अलावा बार से की गई नियुक्तियों को इस उद्देश्य के लिए बेंच से की गई नियुक्तियों के अधीन रखा गया है। इसलिए, निवर्तमान CJI अगले CJI (जो आम तौर पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट के सबसे वरिष्ठ जज होते हैं) के लिए अपनी सिफारिश अन्य वरिष्ठ न्यायाधीशों के परामर्श के बाद कम से कम एक महीने पहले केंद्रीय कानून, न्याय और कंपनी मामलों के मंत्री को भेजता है। फिर केंद्रीय कानून, न्याय और कंपनी मामलों के मंत्री द्वारा वो सिफारिश प्रधानमंत्री के समक्ष रखी जाती हैं जो इस संबंध में राष्ट्रपति को सलाह देते हैं। राष्ट्रपति अपनी मुहर के तहत सेवानिवृत्ति की आयु तक भारत के मुख्य न्यायाधीश की नियुक्ति करता है।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">क्या "वरिष्ठता नियम" का अनुपालन अनिवार्य है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">सेकंड जजेज केस के मुताबिक (सुप्रीम कोर्ट एडवोकेट्स-ऑन-रिकॉर्ड एसोसिएशन बनाम भारत संघ, एआईआर 1994 एससी 268) "सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के वरिष्ठतम न्यायाधीश ने कार्यालय संभालने के लिए फिट माना जाए।" और अनुच्छेद 124 (2) के तहत परामर्श केवल तभी आवश्यक है "यदि कार्यालय संभालने के लिए सबसे वरिष्ठ न्यायाधीश की फिटनेस के बारे में कोई संदेह है, जो लंबे समय से चले आ रही परंपरा से विचलित होने के लिए पर्याप्त है।"</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के वरिष्ठतम न्यायाधीश को ही CJI क्यों नियुक्त किया जाए?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">1951 में भारत के तत्कालीन मुख्य न्यायाधीश एचआर कानिया के निधन के बाद सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में उस समय के सभी तत्कालीन सेवारत जजों ने वरिष्ठता के नियम का पालन करने को आवश्यक बना दिया था। सरकार द्वारा पालन न करने की हालत में उन्होंने सर्वसम्मति से इस्तीफे की धमकी दी थी। वरिष्ठता का नियम सरकार की विवेकाधीन शक्तियों के दायरे को कम करके न्यायपालिका की स्वतंत्रता का आश्वासन है।</span></div>
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<div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; font-family: Buenard, serif; line-height: 32px; list-style-type: none; margin-bottom: 15px !important; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; padding: 0px; text-align: center; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">
<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">क्या CJI की नियुक्ति के लिए वरिष्ठता के पारंपरिक नियम से कोई विचलन रहा है?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">25 अप्रैल, 1973 को, केशवानंद भारती बनाम केरल राज्य [(1973) 4 SCC 225] के फैसले, जिसमें 13 जजों की पीठ में सात जजों ने बहुमत से सरकार की विधायी और कार्यकारी कार्रवाइयों को को 'बुनियादी ढांचे' के परीक्षण के लिए अतिसंवेदनशील बना दिया, के एक दिन बाद, जे अजीत नाथ रे, जो इस मामले में छह असंतुष्टों जजों में से एक थे, को, तीन वरिष्ठ जजों जेएम शेलत, केएस हेगड़े और एएन ग्रोवर (वे सभी फैसले में बहुमत में शामिल थे) भारत की सुप्रीम का चीफ जस्टिस बना दिया। जिस पर भारत के पूर्व अटॉर्नी जनरल सीके दफ्तरी ने टिप्पणी की थी कि " जिस लड़के ने सबसे बढ़िया निबंध लिखा, उसने पहला पुरस्कार जीता"। और पूर्व मुख्य न्यायाधीश मोहम्मद हिदायतुल्लाह ने इसे एक ऐसा अभियान कहा, जहां " जज आगे की ओर नहीं देख रहे, बल्कि अपने भविष्य की ओर देख रहे हैं।"</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">29 जनवरी, 1977 को केशवानंद भारती मामले में बहुमत में शामिल जजों और अपर जिला मजिस्ट्रेट, जबलपुर बनाम शिवाकांत शुक्ला (AIR 1976 SC 1207) मामले में एकमात्र असंतुष्ट जज जे हंस राज खन्ना, जो तब सुप्रीम कोर्ट के वरिष्ठतम जज थे, को जे मिर्जा हमीदुल्ला बेग से पीछे कर दिया गया। इस मामले ने आपातकाल के दिनों में न्यायिक उपचार के रूप में बंदी प्रत्यक्षीकरण के अधिकार की पुष्टि की थी। पूर्व मुख्य न्यायाधीश एमएन वेंकटचलैया ने कहा था कि ये निर्णय "इतिहास के कूड़ेदान तक सीमित" किए जाने योग्य है।</span></div>
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<b><span style="color: red;">लाइव लॉ हिंदी </span></b></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-47273717395006745202019-12-05T22:40:00.000-08:002019-12-05T22:40:18.471-08:00Is it Economy Crisis in India?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India's GDP growth slowed to 4.5% in the </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">July-September quarter, the weakest pace in more than </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">six years, as consumer demand, private investment </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">and exports all weakened. The output of eight core </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">infrastructure industries contracted by 5.8% in October, </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">indicating that even the current quarter may produce </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">gloomy results. Long before he became everything to </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">everyone, Narendra Modi was seen as the future savior </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">of the Indian economy. The time to fulfill the original </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">purpose is now</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">What are the latest numbers?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-4KArlc-Gmq4/XenpoSYesZI/AAAAAAAA0B4/ZYe6lNnWoT0w0BgHPhQVRGW7WGnge6s3wCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="402" data-original-width="715" height="358" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-4KArlc-Gmq4/XenpoSYesZI/AAAAAAAA0B4/ZYe6lNnWoT0w0BgHPhQVRGW7WGnge6s3wCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The growth rate of the Indian economy in the July-September quarter slowed down to <b>4.5%</b>, the lowest in 25 quarters, from 5% in the preceding quarter as manufacturing output contracted.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">During the second quarter, <b>only government expenditure supported growth by growing at 11.6%</b>, while financial services sector grew 5.8%. The growth rate dropping below the 5% mark is a culmination of several months of downbeat figures, from plunging car sales to shrinking factory output and an export slump.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">This marks <b>the sixth straight fall in quarterly Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth</b> and also the first time in almost seven years that it has fallen below the psychologically important 5% mark. The previous low was recorded at 4.3 per cent in the January-March period of 2012-13. The GDP growth was registered at 7 per cent in the corresponding quarter of 2018-19.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The ‘Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing’ sector grew by 2.1 percent as compared to growth of 4.9 percent in the same quarter last year (Q2 2018-19). ‘Mining and Quarrying’ grew by 0.1 percent as compared to growth of -2.2 percent in Q2 2018-19. The worst numbers come from <b>manufacturing, which shrank by 1.0 percent</b> as compared to growth of 6.9 percent in the same quarter in 2018-19. ‘Construction’ grew by 3.3 percent as compared to growth of 8.5 percent last year.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Private Final Consumption Expenditure (PFCE) grew at 5.1 percent during the last quarter (Q2 of 2019-20) as compared to 9.8 percent respectively during Q2 of 2018-19. <b>Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF) shrunk by 3.0</b> percent during Q2 of 2019-20 as compared 11.8 percent during Q2 of 2018-19. It’s the government that saved the quarter. <b>Government Final Consumption Expenditure grew at 15.6 percent</b> during Q2 of 2019-20.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Note</b>:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The <b>Private Final Consumption Expenditure</b> (PFCE) is defined as the expenditure incurred on final consumption of goods and services by the resident households and non-profit institutions serving households.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Gross Fixed Capital Formation</b> (GFCF) is defined as the acquisition of produced assets (including purchases of second-hand assets), including the production of such assets by producers for their own use, minus disposals.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">Why is this fall worrying for India?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The fall in the GDP growth rate, which is indicative of further deepening of economic downturn in Asia’s third largest economy will likely ratchet up the demand for a fiscal stimulus from the government. The persistent slowdown may also force the central bank to go for another round of interest rate cuts on December 5 in its monetary policy review. <i>But that will not be enough.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has taken several steps to boost investment and bolster economic growth, including cutting corporate taxes in September, while the central bank has cut interest rate five times this year. But some surveys show business confidence is at multi-year lows.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Separately, data released by the industry department showed <b>the eight infrastructure sectors represented by the core sector data contracted for the second consecutive month by 5.8% in October, signaling the worst for the Indian is not be over yet.</b> In September, these core sectors had shrunk by 5.1%. During the month, six out of the eight infra sectors contracted except refinery products and fertilizers. Output of coal (-17.6%) and electricity (-12.4%) fell by double digits.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Narendra Modi administration has taken a series of steps to reverse the growth slowdown, including a cut in the corporate tax rate in September to 22% from 30% earlier for companies not availing themselves of any tax breaks, and to 15% from 25% for new manufacturers. The cabinet cleared a proposal last week to set up a ₹25,000 crore debt fund to complete stalled housing projects, a move expected to boost cement and steel sectors in the months ahead.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">As mentioned in the earlier section, it’s the government expenditure that kept the GDP growth rate comfortably above 4 percent. But it came with a cost. <b>India's fiscal deficit in the first seven months through October stood at ₹7.2 trillion, or 102.4% of the budgeted target for the current fiscal year.</b> <i>This means that the government’s ability to spend its way out of the slowdown is severely limited now.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The worst trend is the contraction of the manufacturing sector, which was the only hope for the unemployed youth of the nation.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">When will the impact of this slowdown be felt?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Declining consumption at home, troubled banks and a gloomy global outlook are being blamed for the slowdown, prompting a flurry of measures from the government. At risk are efforts to reduce poverty in Asia’s third-largest economy and the ability to generate jobs for the <b>more than 10 million (1 crore) young people entering the workforce each year.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The economy is expanding well below the average 7%-8% quarterly pace seen in the past few years. <b>Economists have been steadily downgrading their growth forecasts for the current fiscal year through March 2020</b>, with the median estimate in a Bloomberg survey now at 5.6%, down from 6% in October. The central bank’s most recent forecast is for growth of 6.1% this fiscal year. <i>That number now appears optimistic.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>If Prime Minister Modi wants to make his pledge to turn the country into a $5 trillion economy by 2024, from $2.7 trillion now, India needs its economy to expand at a 9%-10% pace for a sustained period of time</b>. With growth slowing for the past six straight quarters, and little sign of a sharp rebound, that’s a setback for efforts to fix the extreme income gap.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In a country of 1.3 billion people, <b>India’s per capita income is about $2,000 a year - dwarfed by China’s $9,800 and the U.S.’s $62,600.</b> So while 5%-plus expansion might look good on paper, India needs faster growth just to catch up with other Asian countries such as Indonesia, where per capita income is at $3,900, and South Korea’s $31,000.</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The impact is already being felt, though the government wouldn’t accept it for the fear of political fallouts</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>The economy has been shedding jobs, lenders and crisis-hit shadow banks have curbed loans and farmers’ incomes have been subdued. The jobless rate jumped to a 45-year high of 6.1% in 2018</b> and anecdotal evidence suggests that there’s more pain to come as <b>the struggling auto sector - which makes up almost half of India’s manufacturing sector - continues to cut jobs</b>. The slide in consumer spending and plunge in auto sales mean overall manufacturing, which contributes about a fifth to the economy, is barely growing or even contracting, and businesses are curbing investment.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Banks have been cautious about lending</b> in the past few years as they grapple with non-performing loans and their withdrawal from the market had seen so-called shadow banks emerge. In the past year, these non-bank lenders have been facing their own troubles following a default by one of the biggest institutions, <b>IL</b>&<b>FS Ltd.</b>, which set off a liquidity crisis. Shadow lenders fund everyone from small-time entrepreneurs seeking startup funds to property tycoons looking to roll over debt, and when they curbed loans, consumer spending started to tail off.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Governor <b>Shaktikanta Das</b> says the slowdown is cyclical, which means business activity will pick up when the cycle turns. He’s cut interest rates five times this year to help cushion the economy and pumped liquidity into markets, but says the government also needs to fix <b>structural weaknesses</b>, like making it easier to do business in India. The government has announced a slew of measures, including <b>$20 billion in tax cuts to companies</b>, but most economists say the outlook is gloomy even though there may be some recovery later this fiscal year.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Nobody is sure if the worst is over yet, or if the economy is inching towards the 4% growth rate mark.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">Where is the real problem?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In February, with the general elections just three months away, Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared at the “Rising India” summit organised by media house <i>News18</i> and took on critics who had accused his government of failing to deliver on promises to create millions of jobs. <i>“Is it possible that with India growing at record rates, there are no jobs in the country?”</i> he asked.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i>It’s possible.</i> It was happening when the economy was growing at ‘record’ rates. It will happen even more when it’s growing slowly. <b>India’s economic growth has moved from not just being a jobless regime but to being a ‘job-loss’ one</b>, suggests new research. In a study published in the <i>Economic and Political Weekly</i>, K.P. Kannan and G. Raveendran break down the latest <b>Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) findings</b> to suggest that the Indian economy is losing its ability to absorb new entrants to the work-force with less-educated rural women suffering the most.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The results of the recent <b>National Sample Survey</b> (NSS) on employment and unemployment called the PLFS 2017–18 should have come as a shocker to all those managing the Indian economy. Instead, it started with stern denials, from both official and non-official quarters. The sum and substance of the results is that <b>not only has there been an unprecedented increase in the unemployment rate but that it has been accompanied by a fall in the absolute number of workers compared to the previous survey in 2011–12.</b> However, there were some forewarnings.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In 2004-05, 58% of the population entering the workforce in the previous two decades was absorbed into the workforce but by 2011-12 this figure had fallen to 15% in 2011-12. <b>In 2017-18, this figure turned negative (-5%) suggesting that some of the working-age population actually left the workforce.</b> <i>And all this has happened even while India recorded positive aggregate growth.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">They estimate that the economy lost 6.2 million jobs between 2011-12 and 2017-18. Breaking down jobs by location, gender, education and sectors, they find that <b>it was mostly the less educated (below secondary level) who lost jobs. Within this cohort, it was rural women who suffered the most</b> (rural women's employment fell by 24.7 million).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Sectoral analysis of the data shows that <b>the net job loss stems from losses in sectors such as agriculture, quarrying, mining and manufacturing</b>. Taken together, job losses in these sectors accounted for 95% of the total job loss. According to the authors, this jobs crisis is <b>a result of several structural and policy failures in agriculture, rural-to-urban migration and education</b>.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">Who must now make up their mind?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Throughout its four-decade-long history, India’s ruling <i>Bharatiya Janata Party</i> (BJP) has always been divided between two viewpoints on economics<b>: the free market model that embraces globalisation and is private capital-oriented, or the more indigenous, protectionist system with a significant welfare component.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In the years the BJP ruled India in the late 1990s, and beginning in 2014, the party has been wrestling with whether it should make the role of the state more prominent, or that of business; and within business, <i>should it open the doors to the world or focus on promoting — and protecting — domestic businesses?</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>From the time Modi rose to prominence in the early 2000s as chief minister of Gujarat, the prime minister has been noted for his affinity towards promoting business and entrepreneurship</b>; he himself has reiterated such inclination on different occasions. Indeed, <b>under his leadership, Gujarat’s economy grew at a faster pace than the national average for more than a decade</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">During that time, Gujarat also transformed from a power-deficit to a power-surplus state, and managed the difficult task of achieving growth in agriculture while reducing its share in the state gross domestic product. This is particularly significant because Indian agriculture has for long been plagued with low productivity, and while it employs vast numbers of people, often such participation in farm labour is due to the lack of alternative better-paying professional opportunities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>The movement of excess farm labour to manufacturing and services remains one of India’s key challenges</b>. Gujarat, therefore, became a model for <i>“freeing up space for private initiative and enterprise and the creation of an enabling environment by the State.”</i> Shortly before Modi became prime minister in 2014, the Ministry of Commerce and Industry noted in a report that Gujarat’s land acquisition system for business under the then chief minister Modi was the best in the country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Modi’s rise to power as prime minister in 2014 came with great expectations of a slew of economic reforms</b>. The government has brought several significant changes in the economic environment — including introducing a transformational bankruptcy law and pushing through the long-awaited Goods and Services Tax (GST).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Certain key reforms, however, remain pending including, critically, a game-changing <b>land reform law.</b> Some early signs of building consensus for land reform were stalled early in his first term as prime minister following criticisms by the opposition that the government’s proposal was anti-poor. The other critical, and long-pending, task of <b>labour reform</b> is also impeded and is unlikely to see the light of day anytime soon.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It’s clear that the Gujarat model didn’t work out for the rest of India. <b>One of the problems with the Gujarat model is that it’s not much of a model. It is an attitude, a leadership style, even an ideology</b>. In its enthusiasm for private investment and its approval of market forces, the Gujarat Model differs only in degree from the stated policies of the previous Congress-led government. <b>Nationalism and globalization, protectionism and free markets don’t go together</b> - but this Modi knew already. If it were electoral compulsions that drove him away from genuine reforms, he must remember what Bill Clinton said in his election campaign in 1992: <i>It's the economy, stupid.</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-large;">How can the economy bounce back now?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The government must forget the fiscal deficit and spend like there’s no tomorrow.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India has depended on monetary policy to support its economy growing at its slowest pace in six years but <b>the government must now deploy more direct fiscal stimulus or risk a long period of stagnation</b>, analysts and experts say.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Modi, however, clearly prefers an incremental approach to reform, one that lessens the chances of a political backlash</b>. He has to fear supporters as much as, if not more than the radically weakened opposition. Influential voices within the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and its affiliates strongly oppose sweeping trade deals such as the <b>Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)</b> and the privatization of state-owned companies.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">While helpful, though, these measures by themselves aren’t strong enough to revive the animal spirits of Indian and foreign investors. India’s problems are simply too deep. <b>The dividends from the limited reforms carried out in the 1990s and early 2000s have dwindled.</b> The country is more integrated with the global economy — it’s signed free-trade agreements with Southeast Asian nations, Japan and Korea — which only highlights its lack of competitiveness.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">A big bang package of reforms is more possible than nervous ministers may believe. <b>They can spend the next two months before the next budget developing credible plans in consultation with business, civil society, and the state governments</b>. And once unveiled, the changes don’t all need to be implemented at once. A calibrated approach over 12 to 18 months would suffice; <b>the important thing is to signal to the market that the government is serious and ambitious</b>. By then, too, the BJP should have a clear majority in the upper house of Parliament, which will make passing bills easier.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Modi remains massively popular and can claim to have fulfilled most of the BJP’s social agenda already. But for his government to be considered truly transformative, it must revive economic growth and put it on a higher trajectory for the next two decades. There are no longer any excuses for delay.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>*********************************************************************</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><u>REFERENCES</u></b></span><br />
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<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/indicators/gdp-growth-slips-to-4-5-in-september-quarter-slowest-expansion-in-26-quarters/articleshow/72293669.cms" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">GDP growth slips to 4.5% in September quarter, </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">slowest expansion in 26 quarters</span></a></div>
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<a href="https://in.reuters.com/article/us-india-economy-gdp/indias-economic-growth-slows-pressure-on-modi-to-speed-up-reforms-idINKBN1Y31N1" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India's economic growth slows, pressure on Modi </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">to speed up reforms</span></a></div>
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<a href="https://in.finance.yahoo.com/news/india-gdp-growth-slumps-shocking-121736092.html" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India's GDP growth slumps to a shocking 4.5% in </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">September quarter</span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/why-in-india-6percent-economic-growth-is-cause-for-alarm/2019/11/29/403cd55e-12a1-11ea-924c-b34d09bbc948_story.html" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Why in India, 6% Economic Growth Is Cause for </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Alarm</span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.livemint.com/politics/policy/india-s-journey-from-jobless-to-job-loss-growth-11573555230581.html" target="_blank">India's journey from jobless to job-loss growth</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2019/44/insight/jobless-job-loss-growth.html" target="_blank">From Jobless to Job-loss Growth</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.orfonline.org/research/economic-mind-narendra-modi-56004/" target="_blank">The economic mind of Narendra Modi</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/india-braces-for-shock-gdp-as-centre-scrambles-to-spur-economy/articleshow/72288992.cms" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India braces for shock GDP as government </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">scrambles to spur economy</span></a></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-53724024300032851192019-12-02T22:17:00.000-08:002019-12-02T22:24:49.119-08:00न्यायिक हिरासत और पुलिस हिरासत के बीच कुछ अहम फर्क<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सामान्यतया 'कस्टडी' (हिरासत) का अर्थ एक व्यक्ति पर नियंत्रण या निगाह रखना है। इसका तात्पर्य किसी व्यक्ति के अपनी इच्छा के मुताबिक कहीं आने-जाने पर प्रतिबंध से है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">हिरासत भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेद 21 के तहत व्यक्तिगत आजादी के अधिकार पर सीधा हमला है, इसलिए, यह सुनिश्चित करने के लिए कानून में एक विस्तृत प्रक्रिया निर्धारित की गई है कि किसी व्यक्ति को केवल कानूनी उद्देश्यों के लिए ही अधिकारी द्वारा उचित, तार्किक और समानुपातिक तरीके से हिरासत में लिया जाये।</span></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-VnGe7tq2LeY/XeX6XjFE8DI/AAAAAAAAzuw/w4CNLwC8peso0dj_yLWWyTvnYcYPQCIiACNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="393" data-original-width="740" height="338" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-VnGe7tq2LeY/XeX6XjFE8DI/AAAAAAAAzuw/w4CNLwC8peso0dj_yLWWyTvnYcYPQCIiACNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">हिरासत और गिरफ्तारी पर्यायवाची नहीं हैं। गिरफ्तारी किसी व्यक्ति को पुलिस द्वारा बलपूर्वक कैद में रखना है। (1)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">गिरफ्तारी के बाद हिरासत होती है, लेकिन यह जरूरी नहीं है कि हिरासत के प्रत्येक मामले में पहले गिरफ्तारी हो। उदाहरण के तौर पर, जब कोई व्यक्ति अदालत के समक्ष आत्मसमर्पण करता है तो वह हिरासत में होता है, इस मामले में गिरफ्तारी नहीं होती है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">न्यायमूर्ति कृष्णा अय्यर ने <b>'निरंजन सिंह बनाम प्रभाकरण राजाराम खरोटे' </b>मामले में <b>दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता (सीआरपीसी) की धारा 438</b> के तहत <b>'हिरासत में'</b> शब्द की व्याख्या करते हुए कहा है -</span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>वह (एक व्यक्ति) केवल उस समय ही हिरासत में नहीं होता, जब पुलिस उसे गिरफ्तार करती है, उसे मजिस्ट्रेट के पास पेश करती है और उसे न्यायिक या अन्य कस्टडी पर रिमांड में लेती है। उसे उस वक्त भी हिरासत में कहा जा सकता है जब वह अदालत के समक्ष आत्मसमर्पण करता है और उसके निर्देशों को मान लेता है।(2)</b></span></i></blockquote>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>इस प्रकार, जब किसी अभियुक्त ने सत्र अदालत के समक्ष आत्मसमर्पण कर दिया है, तो सत्र अदालत सीआरपीसी की धारा 439 के तहत जमानत याचिका पर विचार करने का अधिकार क्षेत्र हासिल कर लेता है।(3)</b></span></i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">निरंजन सिंह मामले का अनुसरण करते हुए सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने 2014 में व्यवस्था दी थी कि यदि उच्च न्यायालय ने किसी आरोपी को अपने समक्ष आत्मसमर्पण करने की अनुमति दी है, तो वह उच्च न्यायालय की हिरासत में होगा। इसलिए, हाईकोर्ट को सीआरपीसी की धारा 439 के तहत नियमित जमानत के लिए आवेदन पर विचार करने का अधिकार होगा।(4)</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">पुलिस हिरासत</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">जब एक पुलिस अधिकारी एक व्यक्ति को संज्ञेय अपराध करने के संदेह में गिरफ्तार करता है, तो गिरफ्तार व्यक्ति को हिरासत में लिया गया बताया जाता है। पुलिस हिरासत का उद्देश्य अपराध के बारे में अधिक जानकारी इकट्ठा करने के लिए संदिग्ध से पूछताछ करना है, और सबूतों को नष्ट करने से रोकना और गवाहों को आरोपी द्वारा डरा-धमकाकर मामले को प्रभावित करने से बचाना है। यह कस्टडी मजिस्ट्रेट के आदेश के बिना 24 घंटे से अधिक नहीं हो सकती।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">पुलिस द्वारा गिरफ्तार किये गये और हिरासत में रखे गए प्रत्येक व्यक्ति को गिरफ्तारी के 24 घंटे के भीतर निकटतम मजिस्ट्रेट के सामने पेश किया जाना चाहिए, जिसमें गिरफ्तारी के स्थान से लेकर मजिस्ट्रेट के कोर्ट तक के सफर का आवश्यक समय शामिल नहीं होगा।[5] मजिस्ट्रेट के आदेश के बिना किसी भी व्यक्ति को 24 घंटे की अवधि से अधिक हिरासत में नहीं रखा जा सकता है।[6]</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">न्यायिक हिरासत</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">जब पुलिस द्वारा गिरफ्तार किए गए अभियुक्त को मजिस्ट्रेट के पास पेश किया जाता है तो उसके पास दो विकल्प होते हैं, आरोपी को पुलिस हिरासत में या न्यायिक हिरासत में भेजना।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">यह सीआरपीसी की धारा 167(2) के प्रावधानों से स्पष्ट है कि मजिस्ट्रेट को जो उचित लगता है उस प्रकार की कस्टडी वह आरोपी के लिए मुकर्रर कर सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">पुलिस हिरासत में, पुलिस के पास आरोपी की शारीरिक हिरासत होगी। इसलिए जब पुलिस हिरासत में भेजा जायेगा, तो आरोपी को पुलिस स्टेशन में बंद कर दिया जाएगा। उस परिदृश्य में, पुलिस को पूछताछ के लिए आरोपी तक हर समय पहुंच होगी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">न्यायिक हिरासत में, अभियुक्त मजिस्ट्रेट की हिरासत में होगा और उसे जेल भेजा जाएगा। न्यायिक हिरासत में रखे गये आरोपी से पूछताछ के लिए पुलिस को संबंधित मजिस्ट्रेट की अनुमति लेनी होगी। मजिस्ट्रेट की अनुमति से ऐसी हिरासत के दौरान पुलिस द्वारा पूछताछ, हिरासत की प्रकृति को बदल नहीं सकती है [7]।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">धारा 167 के तहत यह आवश्यक नहीं कि सभी परिस्थितियों में गिरफ्तारी एक पुलिस अधिकारी द्वारा ही की जानी चाहिए, किसी और द्वारा नहीं तथा केस डायरी की प्रविष्टियां का रिकॉर्ड आवश्यक रूप से होना ही चाहिए। इसलिए, हिरासत निश्चित तौर पर एक सक्षम अधिकारी या गिरफ्तारी का अधिकार प्राप्त अधिकारी द्वारा इस मान्यता कि 'आरोपी संबंधित कानून के तहत दंडनीय अपराध का दोषी हो सकता है', पर विचार करते हुए गिरफ्तार किये गये व्यक्ति को सक्षम मजिस्ट्रेट के समक्ष पेश करने पर ही संभव होगा, बावजूद इसके कि जिस अधिकारी ने गिरफ्तारी की है वह सही अर्थों में पुलिस अधिकारी नहीं है।(8)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">गिरफ्तारी के बाद मजिस्ट्रेट के समक्ष पेशी के पहले 15 दिनों के भीतर ही आरोपी को पुलिस हिरासत में भेजा जा सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सीआरपीसी की धारा 167(दो) का उपबंध-ए कहता है कि मजिस्ट्रेट पुलिस हिरासत में 15 दिनों की अवधि से परे अभियुक्तों की हिरासत अवधि बढ़ाने की अनुमति दे सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">पुलिस हिरासत में नजरबंदी को आमतौर पर कानून मंजूरी नहीं देता। धारा 167 का उद्देश्य अभियुक्तों को उन तरीकों से बचाना है, जिन्हें "कुछ अति उत्साही और बेईमान पुलिस अधिकारियों" द्वारा अपनाया जा सकता है। [9]</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सामान्य भाषा, खासकर "पुलिस की हिरासत से अन्यथा पंद्रह दिनों की अवधि से परे" शब्दों पर विचार करते हुए यह व्यवस्था दी गयी कि पहले पंद्रह दिनों की समाप्ति के बाद 90 दिनों या 60 दिनों की शेष अवधि के लिए केवल न्यायिक हिरासत ही होगी तथा यदि पुलिस कस्टडी आवश्यक हुई तो इसका आदेश केवल पहले 15 दिनों के भीतर ही हो सकता है।[10]</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने कहा है:</span></span></div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 32px; list-style-type: none; margin-bottom: 15px !important; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">
<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>इस प्रकार यह देखा जा सकता है कि संबंधित धारा में अंतर्निहित सम्पूर्ण उद्देश्य पुलिस हिरासत अवधि को सीमित करना है। हालांकि, गंभीर प्रकृति के मामलों की जांच पूरी होने में उत्पन्न होने वाली कठिनाइयों को ध्यान में रखते हुए विधायिका ने अभियुक्तों को 90 दिनों की विस्तारित अवधि के लिए डिटेंशन बढ़ाने के प्रावधान किये हैं, लेकिन इस प्रावधान में स्पष्ट किया गया है कि इस प्रकार का डिटेंशन केवल न्यायिक हिरासत ही होगी। इस अवधि के दौरान पुलिस से गंभीर मामलों में भी जांच पूरी होने की अपेक्षा की जाती है। अन्य अपराधों के मामले में साठ दिनों की अवधि में जांच पूरी होने की उम्मीद की जाती है।" [11]</b></span></i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">यदि मजिस्ट्रेट संतुष्ट है तो मृत्युदंड, आजीवन कारावास या 10 साल की जेल की सजा वाले अपराधों के लिए न्यायिक हिरासत 90 दिनों तक तथा अन्य अपराधों के लिए 60 दिनों तक बढ़ायी जा सकती है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">यदि परिस्थितियां न्यायोचित लगती हैं, तो सीआरपीसी की धारा 167 (दो) के तहत वर्णित प्रावधानों के अनुरूप निर्धारित समय सीमा (15 दिन में) न्यायिक हिरासत में भेजे गये आरोपी को पुलिस हिरासत और पुलिस हिरासत से न्यायिक हिरासत में भेजा जा सकता है।(12)</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">कई अपराध करने के आरोपी को पुलिस हिरासत</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">यदि यह पुलिस को पता है कि आरोपी एक संदिग्ध अपराध के लिए पहले से ही हिरासत में हो और वह कुछ अन्य अपराधों से भी जुड़ा है, तो क्या अन्य अपराधों के संबंध में पुलिस हिरासत मांगी जा सकी है, भले ही आरोपी ने पहले अपराध के लिए 15 दिनों की पुलिस हिरासत काट ली हो?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">हां, बशर्ते कि दूसरे अपराधों को उस अपराध से अलग किया जा रहा हो, जिसके संबंध में उसे पहली बार हिरासत में लिया गया था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">हां, बशर्ते अन्य अपराध उस पहले वाले अपराध से भिन्न हों जिसके लिए उसे पहली बार पुलिस हिरासत में लिया गया था। जिस घटना के लिए आरोपी को पहले ही पुलिस हिरासत में ले लिया गया था और उस घटना की जांच के दौरान और अधिक गम्भीर अपराधों का पता चलता है तो पुलिस आरोपी को 15 दिन से अधिक के लिए हिरासत में लेने के लिए अधिकृत नहीं होगी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"> 'केंद्रीय जांच ब्यूरो, विशेष जांच प्रकोष्ठ-1, नयी दिल्ली बनाम अनुपम जे. कुलकर्णी एआईआर 1992, एससी 1768' </span>मामले में इस स्थिति की विस्तृत व्याख्या कर दी है।</span></div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 32px; list-style-type: none; margin-bottom: 15px !important; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>एक घटना में ऐसा हो सकता है कि आरोपी ने कई अपराध किए हों और पुलिस उसे उपलब्ध सूचनाओं के आधार पर एक या दो अपराधों के सिलसिले में गिरफ्तार कर सकती है और पुलिस हिरासत हासिल कर सकती है। यदि जांच के दौरान अधिक गंभीर मामलों में आरोपी की संलिप्तता पायी जाती है तो पहले 15 दिनों की कस्टडी के बाद पुलिस आगे की अवधि के लिए कस्टडी नहीं मांग सकती।</b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b></b></span></i><i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>यदि इसकी अनुमति दी जाती है तो पुलिस विभिन्न चरणों में गंभीर प्रकृति के कुछ अपराध जोड़ सकती है और बार-बार पुलिस हिरासत की मांग कर सकती है, इस प्रकार धारा 167 में अंतर्निहित महत्वपूर्ण उद्देश्यों की पूर्ति नहीं हो सकेगी।</b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b></b></span></i><i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>हालांकि यह प्रतिबंध दूसरी घटना पर लागू नहीं होगा, जिसमें गिरफ्तार आरोपी की संलिप्तता का खुलासा होता है। यह एक अलग ही मामला बनेगा और अगर एक अभियुक्त एक मामले में न्यायिक हिरासत में है और पुलिस को दूसरे मामले की जांच में उस व्यक्ति की आवश्यकता है तो उसे दूसरे मामले में औपचारिक तौर पर गिरफ्तार किया जाना चाहिए और फिर पुलिस हिरासत के लिए मजिस्ट्रेट का आदेश प्राप्त करना चाहिए।</b></span></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">पंजाब और हरियाणा हाईकोर्ट ने <b>एस. हरसिमरन सिंह बनाम पंजाब सरकार, 1984</b> के मामले में इस सवाल पर विचार किया कि क्या धारा 167(दो) में वर्णित 15 दिनों की पुलिस हिरासत की सीमा एक ही मामले पर लागू है या समान अभियुक्त वाले विभिन्न मामलों पर लागू होती है? न्यायालय ने व्यवस्था दी थी <b>(पैरा 10ए)</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></b></span><i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>हमें एक अपराध के संदर्भ में हिरासत में रखे गये एक अपराधी की दूसरे अपराध की जांच के लिए फिर से गिरफ्तारी न करने को लेकर कोई ठोस प्रतिबंध नजर नहीं आता। दूसरे शब्दों में, अन्य अपराध की जांच के लिए सीआरपीसी की धारा 167(दो) के तहत मजिस्ट्रेट के आदेश द्वारा न्यायिक हिरासत को पुलिस हिरासत में बदले जाने में कोई बाधा नहीं है। इसलिए एक अलग मामले में फिर से गिरफ्तारी या दूसरी गिरफ्तारी कानून से परे नहीं है।</b></span></i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">पंजाब और हरियाणा उच्च न्यायालय के इस निर्णय को सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने कुलकर्णी मामले में व्यवहार्य करार दिया था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">पंद्रह दिन बीत जाने के बाद अभियुक्त को पुलिस हिरासत में बंद नहीं रखा जा सकता, भले ही उसी घटना से संबंधित कुछ अन्य अपराधों में उस आरोपी की संलिप्तता के बारे में बाद में पता क्यों न चला हो? <span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">(बुध सिंह बनाम पंजाब सरकार (2000)9 एससीसी266)</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">जब आगे की जांच के दौरान आरोपी को गिरफ्तार किया जाता है-</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सीआरपीसी की धारा 309(दो) के प्रावधान किसी आरोपी को संज्ञान लेने के बाद हिरासत में भेजने के कोर्ट के अधिकार की व्याख्या करता है। यह रिमांड केवल न्यायिक हिरासत भी हो सकती है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">तो, क्या आरोप-पत्र दायर करने के बाद आगे की जांच के चरण में गिरफ्तार आरोपी को पुलिस रिमांड पर भेजा जा सकता है?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">क्या ऐसे अभियुक्त को सीआरपीसी की धारा 309(दो) के प्रावधानों के मद्देनजर केवल न्यायिक हिरासत में भेजा जा सकता है?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने इन सवालों का जवाब सीबीआई बनाम दाऊद इब्राहिम कास्कर के फैसले में दिया था।(13) अदालत ने व्यवस्था दी कि आगे की जांच के चरण में गिरफ्तार किये गये आरोपी के रिमांड का मामला धारा 167(दो) के तहत निपटा जाना चाहिए, न कि धारा 309(दो) के प्रावधानों के तहत। क्योंकि जहां तक उस आरोपी का संदर्भ है तो जांच अब भी जारी है और पुलिस को उसकी कस्टडी देने से इन्कार नहीं किया जा सकता।</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large; font-weight: 600; text-align: center;">कोर्ट ने व्यवस्था दी :-</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">इस बात में कोई संदेह नहीं हो सकता कि उपरोक्त उपखंड के पहले प्रावधान में उल्लेखित रिमांड और कस्टडी धारा 167 के तहत 'डिटेंशन इन कस्टडी' से अलग हैं। पूर्व के प्रावधानों के तहत रिमांड मामले के संज्ञान के चरण से संबंधित होता है और ऐसे मामले में न्यायिक हिरासत में हो सकती है, लेकिन बाद में प्रावधानों के तहत डिटेंशन जांच के चरण से संबंधित होता है और शुरू में या तो पुलिस हिरासत या न्यायिक हिरासत कुछ भी हो सकती है। हालांकि किसी अपराध का संज्ञान लेने के बाद भी पुलिस को मामले की आगे की जांच करने का अधिकार रहेगा ही, जिसे केवल अध्याय-12 के अनुसार प्रयोग किया जा सकता है। हमें इस बात का कोई कारण नहीं दिखता कि क्यों धारा 167 के प्रावधान उस व्यक्ति पर लागू नहीं होगा, जो जांच के क्रम में पुलिस द्वारा बाद में गिरफ्तार किया जाता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">जिस प्रकार मंसूरी मामले में बॉम्बे हाईकोर्ट ने व्याख्या की है, उससे धारा 309 (दो) की व्याख्या होनी है, इसका मतलब है कि जब कोर्ट किसी अपराध का संज्ञान लेता है, तो वह सीआरपीसी की धारा 167 के तहत पुलिस कस्टडी में रखने के अपने अधिकार का इस्तेमाल नहीं कर सकता। जांच एजेंसी आगे की जांच के दौरान गिरफ्तार व्यक्ति से पूछताछ के अवसर से वंचित नहीं हो सकती, भले ही उसे पर्याप्त सामग्रियां पेश करके अदालत को यह संतुष्ट करना पड़े कि उस व्यक्ति की पुलिस कस्टडी आवश्यक थी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">इसलिए हमारा मानना है कि धारा 309(दो) के तहत उल्लेखित शब्द 'एक्यूज्ड इफ इन कस्टडी' का संदर्भ एक वैसे आरोपी से है, जो संज्ञान लेते वक्त या उसके मामले में जांच या मुकदमा शुरू होने के दौरान अदालत के समक्ष था। इससे उस आरोपी का अभिप्राय नहीं है जो आगे की जांच के क्रम में गिरफ्तार किया गया हो।"</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">संज्ञान लेने के बाद गिरफ्तार किये गये भगोड़े आरोपी की पुलिस हिरासत</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">दाऊद इब्राहिम मामले में इस सिद्धांत का इस्तेमाल करते हुए सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने बाद में व्यवस्था दी कि आरोप पत्र दायर करने के बाद गिरफ्तार किये गये भगोड़े आरोपी को पुलिस कस्टडी में भेजा जा सकता है।(14) सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने हाईकोर्ट के उस आदेश को निरस्त कर दिया जिसके तहत यह कहते हुए पुलिस रिमांड देने से इन्कार कर दिया गया था कि रिमांड 309(दो) के तहत थी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">1. सीआरपीसी की धारा 46 कहती है कि पुलिस अधिकारी या सक्षम अधिकारी को गिरफ्तार किये जाने वाले व्यक्ति का शरीर छूना या जेल में डालना होगा।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">2. निरंजन सिंह बनाम प्रभाकर राजाराम खरोटे, एआईआर 1980 एससी 785</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">3. आईबिड</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">4. संदीप कुमार बाफना बनाम महाराष्ट्र सरकार, एआईआर 2014 एससी 1745</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">5. भारतीय संविधान का अनुच्छेद 22(एक)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">6. सीआरपीसी की धारा 57</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">7. ज्ञान सिंह बनाम दिल्ली प्रशासन 1981 सीआरआईएलजे100</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">8. प्रवर्तन निेदेशालय बनाम दीपक महाजन एआईआर 1994 एससी 1775</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">9. केद्रीय जांच ब्यूरो, स्पेशल इंवेस्टीगेशन सेल-1, नयी दिल्ली बनाम अनुपम जे कुलकर्णी, एआाईआर 1992 एससी 1768</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">10. आईबिड</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">11. आईबिड</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">12. कोसानापु रामरेड्डी बनाम आंध्र प्रदेश सरकार एवं अन्य, एआईआर 1994 एससी 1447</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">13. एआईआर 1997 एससी 2424</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">14. सीबीआई बनाम रतीन दंडापट और अन्य एआईआर, 2015 एससी 3285</span><br />
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<span style="color: red; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: medium;"><b>साभार: लाइव लॉ हिंदी </b></span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-48413014409531121372019-11-25T23:56:00.000-08:002019-11-26T00:00:48.239-08:0026/11: Never Forgive, Never Forget....<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">On this day, 11 years ago, Mumbai fell victim to one of </span><span style="font-size: large;">the worst terrorist attacks in India. The perpetrators </span><span style="font-size: large;">from Lashkar-e-Taiba, terrorized the city, leaving 166 </span><span style="font-size: large;">people dead and over 300 people injured. India is a </span><span style="font-size: large;">much stronger state today than it was on 26/11/08 </span><span style="font-size: large;">But the perpetrators of 26/11, including its mastermind </span><span style="font-size: large;">and banned Jamat-ud Dawa (JuD) chief Hafiz Saeed, </span><span style="font-size: large;">continue to roam freely in Pakistan. Can India emulate </span><span style="font-size: large;">Israel in avenging 26/11?</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">What was the tragic event?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">November 26, 2008, now called just <i>‘26/11’</i>, was the day terror invaded Mumbai.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Ten Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) terrorists, trained by Pakistani military and spy agency ISI, entered India on this day, hijacking a ship owned by Indian fishermen and killing them en route.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">They targeted high-profile places including <b><u><i>Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus, Taj Hotel at the Gateway of India, Cafe Leopold, Chabad House, Rang Bhavan Lane near Cama Hospital</i> and <i>St Xavier's College.</i></u></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The next three days were gripped by terror, with the city witnessing lobbing of grenades and firing of assault weapons at prominent venues, killing scores and wounding many.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus (CST)</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-bj3M-yVZc7Y/XdzMElSnORI/AAAAAAAAzPU/HWUNcVRfTs4Iej1ZeuPvmlJeUU32-DGPQCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="414" data-original-width="740" height="358" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-bj3M-yVZc7Y/XdzMElSnORI/AAAAAAAAzPU/HWUNcVRfTs4Iej1ZeuPvmlJeUU32-DGPQCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Maximum city’s busiest railway station was attacked by two terrorists <b>Ismail Khan</b> and <b>Ajmal Kasab</b>, the only terrorist who would later be caught alive.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Khan and Kasab entered the passenger hall at around 9:30 pm and opened fire using AK-47 rifles. The assault ended at 10:45 pm after <b>killing 58 people and injuring 104</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">A railway announcer, <b>Vishnu Dattaram Zende</b> saved several lives by alerting the commuters and asking them to leave the station from the back gate.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-Cama and Albless Hospital</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-I2IwaTe3ggs/XdzMXSZlBoI/AAAAAAAAzPc/HmH8k5VNjoMa_j8xJYmUUroFQvwjoJxhgCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="766" height="334" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-I2IwaTe3ggs/XdzMXSZlBoI/AAAAAAAAzPc/HmH8k5VNjoMa_j8xJYmUUroFQvwjoJxhgCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">After Kasab and Khan’s failed attempt to climb up the CST office due to resistance from the railway police, the two headed to <i>Cama and Albless Hospital</i>, one of the prominent hospitals for women and children. The duo entered the hospital from the rear gate.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The terrorists were engaged by a group of policemen for 45 minutes. Later, the duo threw hand grenades on the policemen, thus killing two and injuring several others.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The duo then left Cama Hospital and hid behind the bushes near <i>Rang Bhavan</i> and opened fire on a police jeep. <b>The firing</b> <b>took the lives of three senior police officers Hemant Karkare, Vijay Salaskar and Ashok Kamte</b>. Constable Arun Jadhav was the only survivor but was severely wounded.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-Leopold Café</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-C5ToMTmuBz4/XdzM6sht2pI/AAAAAAAAzPk/WJwjIAQwiRoot4IQMknmFCf_ZCFezSP1gCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25282%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="354" data-original-width="535" height="422" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-C5ToMTmuBz4/XdzM6sht2pI/AAAAAAAAzPk/WJwjIAQwiRoot4IQMknmFCf_ZCFezSP1gCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25282%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The historic Leopold Cafe has been one of Mumbai’s iconic restaurants. On Nov 26, 2008, the cafe was attacked by two attackers, <b>Shoaib alias Soheb and Nazir alias Abu Umer</b> with gunfire and grenades during peak hours between 9:30 pm and 9:50 pm, <b>leaving ten dead and injuring several others</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The cafe was opened four days later but was again shut for security measures. Later, after a month of renovation the cafe was opened but it <b>till date continues to have bullet marks on its walls and mirrors</b> as a reminder of the horrific incident.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-The Taj Mahal Palace Hotel</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vbkeOQhKKhY/XdzNMd2oVNI/AAAAAAAAzPw/f0fOFLUQ1MUIGqB66fzzSoiO0ZzI_57uQCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25283%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="410" data-original-width="660" height="396" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vbkeOQhKKhY/XdzNMd2oVNI/AAAAAAAAzPw/f0fOFLUQ1MUIGqB66fzzSoiO0ZzI_57uQCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25283%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The attack burnt the interiors of the luxurious Taj. The walls of the hotels were marred by bullet holes and grenade blasts and corridors with blood stains.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The hotel was brought back to full glory and was reopened to guests after 21 months of the attacks.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-Oberoi Trident</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-9AsnkacC6cQ/XdzNczzdIlI/AAAAAAAAzP4/eZPqSTpgGvMHVPU0YmpXIk9-wPNU0cYVgCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25284%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="415" data-original-width="739" height="358" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-9AsnkacC6cQ/XdzNczzdIlI/AAAAAAAAzP4/eZPqSTpgGvMHVPU0YmpXIk9-wPNU0cYVgCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25284%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Over 30 people were killed</b> in the attack here. The <i>National Security Guard</i> (NSG) rescued 250 people from the hotel.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-Nariman House</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-zRI9X5t1p-A/XdzN9W8mKDI/AAAAAAAAzQE/LYPU6pOCIbAPIw4hWUIk6opLcFSsIkZXACNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25285%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="440" data-original-width="660" height="426" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-zRI9X5t1p-A/XdzN9W8mKDI/AAAAAAAAzQE/LYPU6pOCIbAPIw4hWUIk6opLcFSsIkZXACNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25285%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Nariman House, also known as <i>Chabad House</i>, a Chabad Lubavitch Jewish centre in Colaba was attacked by two terrorists on Nov. 26. The residents were held hostage. The adjacent buildings were evacuated by the police and the local residents were asked to stay indoors. A naval helicopter took an aerial survey of the area and NSG commandos were called.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Nine hostages were rescued on the first day and on the second day the house was stormed by NSG commandos. After a long battle between the commandos and the terrorists, <b>NSG commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht</b> and both the terrorists were killed.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Sandra Samuel, the Indian nanny, saved the life of two-year-old <b>Moshe Holtzberg</b> during the 26/11 terrorist attacks on Nariman House. Both of Moshe's parents were killed in the attack. Moshe lives with his maternal grandparents Shimon and Yehudit Rosenberg</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>It took</b> <b>four days for Indian security forces to kill all the terrorists and capture Mohammed Ajmal Kasab alive.</b> But till then the damage was already done and the city bears the scars even today.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Why was Mumbai caught off-guard?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In 2014, former <i>National Security Advisor</i> (NSA) and West Bengal governor M K Narayanan (in picture above) said that intelligence agencies, including the <b>Intelligence Bureau and the Research</b> & <b>Analysis Wing (RAW), to an extent, were aware of 26/11 targets but were caught off-guard by the audacity and the method chosen by the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT).</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Narayanan, who was heading the NSA at the time of the 2008 Mumbai carnage</b>, said the need of the hour was to predict the timing and method of attacks, and this is where investigating agencies needed to hone their skills.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Referring to the three-day siege of Mumbai by 10 armed LeT men, he said, </span></div>
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<span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>I know intelligence agencies were anticipating the attack… including some of the targets like the Taj. But the problem was what form it would be…The real failure on our part is that we did not know what form it would be and it will be such a brazen attack where special (trained) forces will be used</b> <b>.</b></span></blockquote>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><u><b>It’s not as if India hadn’t been warned.</b></u></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>The city was hit by a series of terrorist bombings amid worsening communal relations in 1993 and then in 2003, leaving a combined toll of more than 300 lives.</b> Alarmingly, the abortive armed <b>attack on Parliament</b> of the world’s biggest democracy came within three months of 9/11.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Responsibility remains hard to fix. Later reports comprehensively pointed to warnings issued by the local police in Mumbai although, equally, <b>the intelligence agencies of three countries — India, the US and the UK — failed to piece together evidence of an imminent attack</b> that they had gathered separately from a variety of human intelligence and listening sources.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">As later events in Europe and America have shown, <b>no country is ever entirely prepared for terrorist attacks.</b> Time and again, countries with far more sophisticated and technologically savvy police forces have been caught out by the innovations of terrorists. If the Mumbai attack was the result of terrorists tapping into available technologies, including Google Earth and satellite phones, with handlers monitoring television coverage in Pakistan, others in Europe have used nothing more sophisticated than a machete or simply a car or a van.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Unpredictability is the nature of <b>asymmetric warfare</b>.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">When does Pakistan appear unwilling to ensure justice?</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-o7crW3D4fDM/XdzPcZTY5wI/AAAAAAAAzQc/WklfpqQTzCAWVO-sWa3xaFYDrOCs-m_JgCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25287%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="413" data-original-width="743" height="354" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-o7crW3D4fDM/XdzPcZTY5wI/AAAAAAAAzQc/WklfpqQTzCAWVO-sWa3xaFYDrOCs-m_JgCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25287%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Of the ten militants trained, equipped and financed by the banned Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), <b>nine terrorists</b> – Ajmal Amir, Abu Ismail Dera, Hafiz Arshad, Babar Imran, Javed, Shoaib, Nazir Ahmed, Nasir, Abdul Rahman and Fahadullah – <b>were shot dead during the attacks</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">25-year-old <b>Ajmal Kasab – the only militant captured alive – was hanged to death at Pune’s Yerwada Jail on November 21, 2012</b> in a swift and secret execution.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Though the 10 militants were eliminated in India, <b>none of the suspects in Pakistan have been punished,</b> indicating that this case has never been a priority for Pakistan, which becomes clearer after the continuous cycle of ‘arrest’ and release of the attack's mastermind, <b>Hafiz Saeed,</b> over the last few years<b>.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The co-founder of LeT the chief of Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD) and <b>mastermind of the attacks</b> <b>Hafiz Saeed walked free on November 24, 2017</b> after nine-and-a-half-month <i>“house arrest”</i> without any charges. <b>Pakistan justified the release of Saeed</b>, saying that courts, pursuant to their constitutional duty, were determined to uphold rule of law and due process for all citizens. Saeed's release virtually <b>'boosted the morale' of the six other suspects</b> facing the trial in Pakistan for the last eight years, believed Saeed's supporters.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Saeed was ‘arrested’ again earlier this year (2019) in order for Pakistan to avoid being blacklisted by the <b>Financial Action Task Force (FATF).</b> Pakistan may remain on the FATF's Grey List beyond February 2020 for money laundering and terror financing due to its <i>"risk profile"</i>, according to media reports. Pakistan was placed on the Grey List by the Paris-based FATF in June 2018 and was given a plan of action to complete it by October 2019, or face the risk of being placed on the Black List with Iran and North Korea.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Saeed was in October allowed by an anti-terror committee of the UN Security Council to withdraw money from his bank account for basic expenses on Pakistan's request</b>. He was listed under <b>UN Security Council Resolution 1267</b> in December 2008. According to UN provisions, all states are required to freeze the funds and other financial assets or economic resources of designated individuals. The 1267 Committee, which deals with terror groups like the Islamic State, the al-Qaeda and associated individuals and organisations, said that it approved Pakistan's request after no objections were placed before it by the set deadline of August 15, 2019.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Saeed, a UN designated terrorist whom the US has placed a <b>USD 10 million bounty</b> on, was arrested on July 17 this year in a terror financing case in Pakistan. He is lodged at the Lahore's Kot Lakhpat jail in high security.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Where did Mumbai’s spirit save lives?</span></b></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><u>-The man who got shot twice</u></b></span></i></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tfKqTZZMzXI/XdzRH5jq63I/AAAAAAAAzQw/YHLtaLdsM7QqthGjNFKsXxoAXDNwMRwNgCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25289%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="434" data-original-width="647" height="214" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tfKqTZZMzXI/XdzRH5jq63I/AAAAAAAAzQw/YHLtaLdsM7QqthGjNFKsXxoAXDNwMRwNgCNcBGAsYHQ/s320/images%2B%25289%2529.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i>India Today</i> reported the story of the owner of <i>Refresh</i> restaurant at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) station heard gunshots coming from the nearby washroom. While he <b>gave refuge to many people in his restaurant</b> and asked them to hide under the tables, <b>he himself was standing outside and got shot twice.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">With one bullet in his abdomen and another in the chest, this brave man took a cab and went to the Bombay hospital all alone where he was treated by shocked doctors. Things got worse for him when <b>he slipped into coma and was declared 'dead' on November 27.</b> But after his organs began healing, he was up on his feet and starting working again by mid-December.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">This man, with a strong sense of humanity, volunteered to be shot because behind him were 18 cylinders which, if shot, could have exploded and killed all those he was trying to save.</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The staff of the Taj</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Taj staff showed presence of mind and bolted the banquet hall doors of the <i>Crystal Room</i> outside which the terrorists were standing.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Even during the evacuation process, the terrorists were able to find people stuck in the Chambers corridor because a few politicians had declared their position on live television and those innocent people were shot and killed.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Even as</b> <b>the cops who were supposed to escort the trapped people ran for cover, the</b> <b>Taj employees formed a human circle around their guests when the terrorists started firing again.</b> <i>Putting the guest first also for them meant putting their lives on the line.</i></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">-Vishnu Dattaram Zende</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hB9zXRPcgXA/XdzRfegRZpI/AAAAAAAAzQ4/uiMbXQEF1m0eGW5n1E4cff6VUyzBgE1EQCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%252810%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="331" data-original-width="600" height="176" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hB9zXRPcgXA/XdzRfegRZpI/AAAAAAAAzQ4/uiMbXQEF1m0eGW5n1E4cff6VUyzBgE1EQCNcBGAsYHQ/s320/images%2B%252810%2529.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In 2008, Vishnu Dattaram Zende was a suburban railway announcer. His usual routine saw him leave from Nalasopara, where he still lives with his wife and two children, and take the train to CSMT. Once at the station, he’d go up to the announcement booth and rattle off details of train arrivals and departures for eight hours. <i>Then November 26, 2008 happened.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Upon realising that CST was under attack, Zende started making fervent pleas to hundreds of commuters to avoid the Main Line exit gate and take the rear gate instead. <b>He</b> <b>kept announcing the whereabouts of the terrorists</b> <b>for 25 minutes, both in Hindi and Marathi.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The announcer’s booth is above the station master’s office, offering Zende an overview of the station. <i>“I saw the men walking with guns … to the suburban railway section and firing indiscriminately. They were throwing hand-grenades. This is when I realised it was a terrorist attack,”</i> Zende told in an interview in 2018.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>“I told people to use the exit of platform number one and to not come forward as I could see terrorists walking in that direction. The passengers rushed out, following my instructions,”</b> he said. There’s no calculating how many lives Zende saved with his announcements.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The gunmen soon realised what Zende was doing. <i>“All of sudden, I saw a terrorist firing at the direction of our booth. We (Zende and his colleague) ducked under our desks,”</i> he said. They heard the glass window shatter, but Zende escaped any injuries.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">After a while, Zende from his vantage point saw the two terrorists walk out of CSMT. He and other railway personnel rushed to the outstation terminus area and found the carnage Kasab and Ismail had left behind. <b>While Zende’s announcements had saved the lives of countless suburban train passengers, the outstation section of CST got neither a warning nor time to escape. Nearly 60 people died in the attack</b>. <i>“The bodies lying there, surrounded by blood, it was terrifying,”</i> said Zende. <i>“I started announcing for railway personnel, cleaning staff, porters and whoever could rush to the terminus area to help the injured.”</i> Zende stayed in CST that night and returned home the next day.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Eleven years, one promotion (he’s now a railway guard), a cash award of ₹10 lakh from the then railway minister and a meeting with former US President Barack Obama later, Zende still avoids the topic that changed his life. He freezes the moment he is asked about the 26/11 terror attacks. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i><br /></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i><span style="color: #b45f06;"><b>"Just the mere mention of it irks me to the core. I feel bad, very bad. You do not wish this upon your greatest enemy... I am an honest and dedicated employee of the government and will continue being one. No matter what happens tomorrow, I will carry out my duties without an ounce of fear or self-doubt,"</b></span></i><span style="color: #222222;"> reaffirms the suburban guard.</span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">26/11 shaped only one real change in Zende: <i><b>“There is no fear left in me anymore.”</b></i> India could also say the same.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Who were involved in the attack?</span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The mastermind of the attacks, Hafiz Saeed currently lives a dominating and active political life – from inside and outside the jail - in Pakistan.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It is believed that <b>Saeed supervised one of the many training sessions</b> of the ten attackers and also wished them luck and waved them off before they set sail for Mumbai near Karachi.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In December 2001, former military ruler Pervez Musharraf had put Saeed under house arrest and banned his group LeT, for its involvement in the Indian Parliament attack. However, he walked free after a few months.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">He was again arrested in May 2002. He then moved his plea to the High Court and got a reprieve as the government failed to file any charges.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Saeed was detained on January 31, 2017,</b> after Pakistani newspapers reported that the United States threatened sanctions against Islamabad if he was not put behind bars. However, the <b>government dropped terrorism charges against Saeed</b>, and paved the way for his eventual release the next year.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">As mentioned before, he has again been arrested in 2019 but is believed to be carrying out all his political activities from the comforts and safety of the high-security prison.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Here are a few of LeT’s other prime members who played key roles in planning and executing the attacks masterminded by Hafiz Saeed.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Daood Sayed Gilani alias David Coleman Headley</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-gMENItvzSwo/XdzSnAWRsAI/AAAAAAAAzRM/703BPpU59P8QtI-e5p0z5KrwP8kywRbIgCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%252812%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="415" data-original-width="738" height="358" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-gMENItvzSwo/XdzSnAWRsAI/AAAAAAAAzRM/703BPpU59P8QtI-e5p0z5KrwP8kywRbIgCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%252812%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Pakistan-born American terrorist and a close aide of Saeed, he made five trips to Mumbai from 2007 to 2008 and did a recce of prominent Mumbai spots.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">During his visits, <b>he stayed at the Taj Hotel</b> and did a detailed reconnaissance of the building. This research helped Lashkar-e-Taiba in plotting the attacks. He was arrested in Chicago. In February 2016, he was prosecuted by a Mumbai special court via a video trial from his prison cell in the United States.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>For a good one and half years into the probe into the attack, not one officer was even aware of the existence of this man</b>. The one fine day, news broke out from the US that the agencies out there had arrested a man called David Headley. This was news to all including the agencies in India.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The US too manipulated the issue well. India was not made aware of the arrest immediately. He was arrested, following which he entered into a plea bargain in the US, which barred him from being extradited to India. <b>The plea bargain also stated that he shall not be sentenced to death</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The question was <b>what was the US guarding so desperately</b>. It was later learnt that <b>Headley was a double agent</b>. He was sent on an assignment to Pakistan and Afghanistan by the CIA to track down a drug cartel. He is said to have turned rogue and come under the influence of the Lashkar-e-Tayiba and Al-Qaeda. The association that the US had with him after that is not clear, but the manner in which he was guarded by the United States was fishy and remains fishy.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Zaki-ur Rehman Lakhvi</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Lakhvi was arrested about a week after the Mumbai attacks when Pakistani soldiers raided an LeT camp on the outskirts of Muzaffarabad, the capital of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">He was later released from Rawalpindi’s Adiala Jail on the orders of the Lahore high court. <b>He is said to have offered Ajmal Kasab’s family a sum of Rs 1,50,000 for his participation in the attacks.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Indian and US security officials claim that telephone and VoIP intercepts showed Lakhvi was present in the LeT control room in Karachi from where the attackers received instructions. Despite being in prison, Lakhvi continues to be the operations commander of the LeT.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Zarar Shah</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Another top LeT commander named in the 26/11 chargesheet, Zarar Shah played a key role in monitoring the training sessions of the ten militants recruited for the ‘mission’.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It is believed that during those 72 horrific hours of attack in Mumbai, Zarar was in touch with the terrorists on their mobile phones, giving them constant operational and motivational instructions. The telephonic conversations were intercepted and recorded by the Maharashtra Anti-Terror Squad (ATS).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In the crackdown following 26/11, Shah was also arrested along with Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi. Some reports said he has confessed to his role in the 26/11 attacks.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Abu Jundal</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Jundal is an Indian national who was associated with LeT and <b>Indian Mujahideen</b>, and is on the list of 50 most wanted criminals sheltered in Pakistan. During the 26/11 attacks, he served as the handler of the 10 militants and was in the control room during the entire carnage.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It is believed that <b>he asked the terrorists to kill hostages</b> and ask for specific demands before the authorities and media. He is also a co-accused in the German bakery blast case.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Abu Hamza</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Named as a key suspect in the 26/11 case, Hamza is a top Lashkar operative who, according to the Mumbai Police Crime Branch, was one of the handlers and trainers of the group of ten terrorists chosen for the attacks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Hamza played a hands-on role during the training phase of the operation. He is also alleged to be involved in the attack on the <i>Indian Institute of Science</i> in Bangalore in 2005.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">How can India avenge 26/11?</span></b></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><u><b>Eliminate Hafiz Saeed in Pakistan</b></u></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">India, forced to watch helplessly from the sidelines as the UNSC allowed UN-designated terrorist Hafiz Saeed to access his bank account and withdraw monthly pension on an appeal from Pakistan, would know where the shoe pinches.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Indians, long sufferers of terrorism unleashed by Pakistan which drains the nation’s resources and imposes unacceptable military, financial, logistical and social costs, might be forgiven for feeling a pang of jealousy at the way US has been able to neutralise its two prime targets – Osama bin Laden and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi through years of careful planning, meticulous intelligence gathering and finally a show of geopolitical, strategic and military might.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Nobody expects New Delhi to carry out such operations in foreign land to eliminate terrorists it considers as national security threats and prime targets. <b>The surgical strikes across the Line of Control (LoC) and airstrikes in Balakot were fashioned more as signals of India’s intent of meeting the threat of Pakistan’s sub-conventional warfare under the atomic umbrella than any special operation targeted towards eliminating a specific terrorist threat.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">But even as India lacks the hard power to achieve those military objectives, it has shown a singular disability to even move towards such an objective in the long run. The sad state of affairs in India is reflected by the fact that after <b>even 70 years of Independence, and despite living in a tough neighborhood amid hostile nuclear-armed States inimical to India’s interests, it still hasn’t been able to develop a coherent national security strategy</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Professor Happymon Jacob from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), who teaches on national security, wrote in <i>The Hindu</i> that</span></div>
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<span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>“National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) had formulated draft national security strategy documents on four different occasions and presented them to successive governments, but the political class wouldn’t bite. There has been a lingering worry in the minds of the politicians about a potential commitment trap if a national security strategy were to be put on paper.”</b></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">P Chidambaram, now himself languishing in jail on corruption charges, had taken over the sensitive home ministry days after the November 26, 2008 attacks in Mumbai. When asked if India could eliminate Saeed through a Obama-kind operation, he said in 2013,</span></div>
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<span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>“Soon after the Mumbai attacks, Hafiz Saeed was in a safe house in Karachi. He now roams around freely but we don’t have the capability of targeting him in a raid like the one the Americans undertook. We didn’t have the capability then (in 2008) and I’ll be pleasantly surprised if we have it now. If we had tried, we would’ve failed and that would have been a bigger blow. We conveyed diplomatically, in no uncertain terms, that any Mumbai-like repetition would invite retaliation and that message was strongly conveyed to Pakistan.”</b></i></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It is pointless to suggest that India can emulate Israel and its unique set of challenges, but the nation offers a more trackable model compared to America’s. At the end of the day, however, it is about having clear goals and achieving them, and setting national security high on the list of priorities. Also, Obama was re-elected after eliminating Osama. Trump might get reelected for eliminating Baghdadi. Eliminating Saeed is the surest way for the current government in India to return with a thumping majority (again) in 2024. <i>Politicians respond to political incentives.</i> There are four years for the nationalistic government to plan and implement what most certainly seems like a mission impossible.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">How is Mumbai protected today?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Terrorism continues to pose the greatest threat to the internal security of the country. According to the US Country Reports on Terrorism 2016, <b>India is the third most affected country after Iraq and Afghanistan in terms of the number of attacks perpetrated on its soil</b>. It is estimated that a total of 52 terrorist groups are active in different parts of India, which is higher than in any other country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In the wake of the terror attack, several steps were initiated to streamline the security set-up. Coastal security was given high priority, and it is with the Navy/Coast Guard/marine police. A specialised agency to deal with terrorist offences, the National Investigation Agency, was set up and has been functioning from January 2009. The <b>National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID)</b> has been constituted to create an appropriate database of security related information. Finally rolled out in 2016, the NATGRI project remains a pipe dream to this day, with Union current the home ministry still unsure about when the grid might actually start functioning. In the ongoing winter session of Parliament, the ministry has informed that the NATGRID will come into operation only by the end of 2020.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Four new operational hubs for the <b>National Security Guard (NSG)</b> have been created to ensure rapid response to terror attacks. The <i>Multi Agency Centre</i>, which functions under the Intelligence Bureau, was further strengthened and its activities expanded. The Navy constituted a Joint Operations Centre to keep vigil over India’s extended coastline.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Here’s how Mumbai’s coast has been guarded since the 26/11 terror siege exposed the chinks in the city’s security.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><u>Indian Navy</u></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">After 26/11, the Navy was made the nodal agency for 15 central agencies and state agencies to co-ordinate coastal security. The Navy now forms <b>the</b> <b>first line of defence and is on constant alert monitoring the sea through aerial surveillance and patrol from 22 nautical from the coast</b>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The navy’s Western Naval Command is headquartered in Mumbai and includes:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-INS Angre</b> – Provides shore-based logistics and administrative support for the Command. It is like a mother ship that controls and oversees the functioning of a wide array of diverse units and facilities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-INS Shikra</b> – Strategic Helicopter gun ship base of Indian Navy</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-INS Aswini</b> – Naval Command Hospital</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-NOFRA</b> - Naval Officers Residential Area, which includes the Naval Transport Pool, Naval Dockyard, Indian Naval Sailors Home ‘Sagar’ and INS Abhimanyu - MARCOS base (at Uran)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-INS Hamla</b> – Logistics training establishment</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-INS Agnibahu</b> – Missile boat base</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>-INS Trata</b> – Missile battery base</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Mazagon Docks Limited</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Indian Coast Guard</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It is one agency that has undergone dramatic changes since 26/11. With a <b>mandate to patrol the sea between 12 nautical miles and 22 nautical miles from the coast</b>, the Coast Guard now has state-of-the-art weaponry and equipment. It has also augmented its air and surface fleet to a large extent.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Mumbai Coastal Police</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-9tSBifBlzJE/XdzW_mO3GrI/AAAAAAAAzSM/v_QcRZDj2042uewjSajLSuqFcKhKMEU2QCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%252819%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="415" data-original-width="739" height="358" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-9tSBifBlzJE/XdzW_mO3GrI/AAAAAAAAzSM/v_QcRZDj2042uewjSajLSuqFcKhKMEU2QCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%252819%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The third tier of security continues to be the weakest link as the state government continues to neglect coastal security.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Mired in red tape, delays and lack of knowledge of how to operate at sea, Mumbai’s coastal police needs radical changes if it has to effectively <b>patrol the sea up to 12 nautical miles from the coast.</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">But terror has evolved too</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">One new variant is the concept of <b>‘enabled terror’</b> or ‘remote controlled terror’, viz. violence conceived and guided by a controller thousands of miles away. Today the <b>‘lone wolf’</b> is, more often than not, part of a remote-controlled initiative, with a controller choosing the target, the nature of the attack and even the weaponry to be used.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>Internet-enabled terrorism</b> and resort to <b>remote plotting</b> is thus the new threat. Operating behind a wall of anonymity, random terror is likely to become the new terror imperative. There are no ready-made answers to this new threat. Vigilance is important, but remaining ahead of the curve is even more vital.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>***************************************************************</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><u>REFERENCES</u></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b><u><br /></u></b></span></div>
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<a href="https://www.firstpost.com/india/us-eliminates-is-chief-abu-bakr-al-baghdadi-can-india-take-out-hafiz-saeed-or-masood-azhar-if-not-what-are-our-options-7562991.html" target="_blank">US eliminates IS chief Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi: Can India take out Hafiz Saeed or Masood Azhar? If not, what are our options?</a></div>
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<a href="https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/on-pak-request-unsc-allows-hafiz-saeed-to-withdraw-money-from-bank-account-119092601626_1.html" target="_blank">On Pak request, UNSC allows Hafiz Saeed to withdraw money from bank account</a><br />
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<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/pakistan-may-remain-on-fatf-grey-list-beyond-feb-2020-report/articleshow/71969086.cms" target="_blank">Pakistan may remain on FATF Grey List beyond Feb 2020: Report</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.thequint.com/news/world/clashes-in-pakistan-blasphemy-army-called-in-blackout" target="_blank">6 Dead, 200 Hurt as Pak Police & Protesters Clash Over ‘Blasphemy’</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.freepressjournal.in/cmcm/2611-mumbai-attacks-heres-what-happened-on-the-horrific-day-at-those-6-places-with-pictures" target="_blank">26/11 Mumbai attacks: Here’s what happened on the horrific day at ‘those’ 6 places; see pictures</a><br />
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<a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/intel-agencies-knew-of-2611-targets-but-were-caught-off-guard-narayanan/" target="_blank">Intel agencies knew of 26/11 targets but were caught off-guard: Narayanan</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai-news/post-26-11-this-is-the-security-ring-that-keeps-mumbai-safe/story-Zg70NtPU10gtIGs93iHqxJ.html" target="_blank">Post 26/11, this is the security ring that keeps Mumbai safe</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.indiatoday.in/fyi/story/remembering-26-11-heart-rending-stories-of-the-survivors-274349-2015-11-25" target="_blank">Remembering 26/11: Heart-rending stories of the survivors</a><br />
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<a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/nine-years-on-the-scars-of-26/11-terror-attacks-are-yet-to-heal/articleshow/61802992.cms" target="_blank">Nine years on, the scars of 26/11 terror attacks are yet to heal</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/nLkPc99WPLcBun55bgnPQN/Opinion--Mumbai-terror-strike-A-footnote-in-history.html" target="_blank">Opinion | Mumbai terror strike: A footnote in history</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.rediff.com/news/report/mumbai-26-11-attacks-perpetrators-in-pak-jails-believe-they-wont-be-punished/20171126.htm" target="_blank">26/11 perpetrators in Pak jails 'know' they won't be punished</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.livemint.com/news/india/more-than-a-decade-after-26-11-india-yet-to-fortify-intelligence-gathering-11574737024611.html" target="_blank">More than a decade after 26/11, India yet to fortify intelligence gathering</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/ten-years-after-the-mumbai-attack/article25591929.ece" target="_blank">Ten years after the Mumbai attack</a><br />
<a href="https://news.abplive.com/blog/2611-anniversary-its-been-9-years-but-pakistan-still-fails-to-act" target="_blank">26/11 anniversary: It’s been 9 years but Pak still fails to act</a><br />
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<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=3&v=tkwB61MMUwM&feature=emb_title" target="_blank">Big 26/11 catch: The terror tapes expose</a></div>
प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-43409589330109577242019-11-25T21:44:00.000-08:002019-11-25T21:44:26.745-08:00अपने आखिरी भाषण में बी.आर. आंबेडकर ने कौन सी तीन चेतावनी दी थीं?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;">स्वतंत्र भारत के इतिहास में 26 नवंबर का अपना महत्व है, क्योंकि इसी दिन वर्ष 1949 में, भारत के संविधान को अपनाया गया था और यह पूर्ण रूप से 26 जनवरी, 1950 को लागू हुआ था। इसलिए इस दिन को भारत के एक नए युग की सुबह को चिह्नित करने के रूप में जाना जाता है। संविधान के निर्माताओं के योगदान को स्वीकार करने और उनके मूल्यों के बारे में लोगों को जागरूक करने के लिए, 26 नवंबर को 'संविधान दिवस' (Constitution Day) के रूप में मनाया जाता है।</span></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-rHSbWSJzxBM/XdyyLNs0YMI/AAAAAAAAzNM/A_z0yZ1vH7gSeY6lGZ-hHrE5YNG6y3qngCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="650" height="392" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-rHSbWSJzxBM/XdyyLNs0YMI/AAAAAAAAzNM/A_z0yZ1vH7gSeY6lGZ-hHrE5YNG6y3qngCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25281%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">गौरतलब है कि, भाजपा की अगुवाई वाली सरकार ने वर्ष 2015 में 19 नवंबर को गजट नोटिफिकेशन द्वारा 26 नवंबर को 'संविधान दिवस' के रूप में घोषित किया था। इससे पहले, सुप्रीम कोर्ट बार एसोसिएशन द्वारा वर्ष 1979 में एक प्रस्ताव के बाद से इस दिन को 'राष्ट्रीय कानून दिवस' (National Law Day) के रूप में जाना जाने लगा था।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">बाबासाहेब भीमराव आंबेडकर का चर्चित भाषण</span></span></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-L3lEjrYzFYY/XdyzO5vl5HI/AAAAAAAAzNY/a7I5m0s-ZpkbHC10C4AXCqxRzJohUwcgwCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25282%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="404" data-original-width="671" height="384" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-L3lEjrYzFYY/XdyzO5vl5HI/AAAAAAAAzNY/a7I5m0s-ZpkbHC10C4AXCqxRzJohUwcgwCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25282%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">25 नवंबर, 1949 को संविधान सभा द्वारा अपनी कार्यवाही को समाप्त करने के एक दिन पहले, संविधान की ड्राफ्टिंग समिति के अध्यक्ष, बी. आर. आंबेडकर ने सभा को संबोधित करते हुए एक भाषण दिया, जोकि काफी चर्चित हुआ। गौरतलब है कि इस भाषण में उन्होंने नव निर्मित राष्ट्र के सामने आने वाली चुनौतियों का विस्तार से वर्णन करने के साथ ही बड़े संयमित शब्दों में उन चुनौतियों से निपटने के तरीके भी सुझाए थे। मौजूदा लेख में, हम उनके द्वारा भारत, भारत के संविधान और भारत के लोकतंत्र को लेकर दी गयी 3 चेतावनियाँ एवं उनके तार्किक सुझाव आपके समक्ष रखेंगे।</span></div>
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<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-zfF5VWuCuZw/Xdy0Kbpi2nI/AAAAAAAAzNg/y_2eUzigb4omy8085odwn5M5JjbFMFsNQCNcBGAsYHQ/s1600/images%2B%25283%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="780" height="286" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-zfF5VWuCuZw/Xdy0Kbpi2nI/AAAAAAAAzNg/y_2eUzigb4omy8085odwn5M5JjbFMFsNQCNcBGAsYHQ/s640/images%2B%25283%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">बाबासाहेब भीमराव आंबेडकर की पहली चेतावनी, लोकतंत्र में 'विरोध के तरीकों' के बारे में थी। <i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><b><u>"व्यक्ति को सविनय अवज्ञा, असहयोग और सत्याग्रह के तरीकों को छोड़ना चाहिए,"</u></b></i> उन्होंने कहा था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">उनके भाषण में दूसरी चेतावनी, किसी राजनीतिक व्यक्ति या सत्ता के आगे लोगों/नागरिकों के नतमस्तक हो जाने की प्रवृति को लेकर थी। <u><i><b>"धर्म में भक्ति, आत्मा के उद्धार का मार्ग हो सकती है। लेकिन राजनीति में, भक्ति या नायक की पूजा, पतन और अंततः तानाशाही के लिए एक निश्चित मार्ग सुनिश्चित करती है,"</b></i></u> उन्होंने कहा था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">उनकी अंतिम और तीसरी चेतावनी थी कि भारतीयों को केवल राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र से संतोष प्राप्त नहीं करना चाहिए, क्योंकि राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र प्राप्त कर लेने भर से भारतीय समाज में अंतर्निहित असमानता खत्म नहीं हो जाती है। <u><i><b>"अगर हम लंबे समय तक इससे (समानता) वंचित रहे, तो हम अपने राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र को संकट में डाल लेंगे,"</b></i></u> उन्होंने कहा था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">इसके अलावा वह अपने भाषण के दौरान इस बात को लेकर काफी सचेत थे, कि यदि हम न केवल रूप में, बल्कि वास्तव में संविधान के जरिये लोकतंत्र को बनाए रखना चाहते हैं, तो हमें इसके लिए क्या करना होगा।</span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: 600; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;">आंबेडकर के प्रमुख सुझाव</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">आंबेडकर ने अपनी पहली चेतावनी के सम्बन्ध में यह सुझाव दिया था कि यदि हमे अपने सामाजिक और आर्थिक उद्देश्यों को प्राप्त करना है तो संवैधानिक तरीकों पर तेजी से अपनी पकड़ बनानी होगी। उनका मानना था कि कि हमें खूनी क्रांति के तरीकों को पीछे छोड़ देना चाहिए। इससे उनका तात्पर्य, सविनय अवज्ञा, असहयोग और सत्याग्रह की पद्धति को छोड़ देने से था। यह चौंकाने वाला अवश्य हो सकता है, परन्तु उन्होंने अपने इस विचार को साफ़ करते हुए आगे कहा था कि जब आर्थिक और सामाजिक उद्देश्यों को प्राप्त करने के लिए संवैधानिक तरीकों के उपयोग करने के लिए कोई रास्ता मौजूद नहीं था, तब इन असंवैधानिक तरीकों का इस्तेमाल किया जाना उचित था। लेकिन जहां संवैधानिक तरीके खुले हैं (संविधान के जरिये), वहां इन असंवैधानिक तरीकों को अपनाने का कोई औचित्य नहीं हो सकता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">आंबेडकर ने अपनी दूसरी चेतावनी के सम्बन्ध में सुझाव देने के लिए जॉन स्टुअर्ट मिल के लोकतंत्र के प्रति विचार को उद्धृत करते हुए कहा था कि किसी नेता या किसी संस्था के समक्ष, नागरिकों को अँधा समर्पण नहीं करना चाहिए। दरअसल मिल ने कहा था कि, <b><i>"किसी महापुरुष के चरणों में अपनी स्वतंत्रता को समर्पित या उस व्यक्ति पर, उसमें निहित शक्ति के साथ भरोसा नहीं करना चाहिए, जो शक्ति उसे संस्थानों को अपने वश में करने में सक्षम बनाती हैं।"</i></b> आंबेडकर का यह मानना था कि उन महापुरुषों के प्रति आभारी होने में कुछ भी गलत नहीं है, जिन्होंने देश के लिए जीवन भर अपनी सेवाएं प्रदान की हैं। लेकिन कृतज्ञता की अपनी सीमाएं होती हैं।</span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption"><br /><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><b> Daniel O’Connell</b></span><br /></td></tr>
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<span style="font-size: large;">आंबेडकर ने अपनी बात को आगे बढ़ाते हुए आयरिश पैट्रियट डैनियल ओ'कोनेल के विचार को भी सदन के सामने रखा था। डैनियल ओ'कोनेल के मुताबिक, <span style="color: #990000;"><b>"कोई भी व्यक्ति अपने सम्मान की कीमत पर किसी और के प्रति आभारी नहीं हो सकता है, कोई भी महिला अपनी शुचिता की कीमत पर किसी के प्रति आभारी नहीं हो सकती है और कोई भी देश, अपनी स्वतंत्रता की कीमत पर किसी के प्रति आभारी नहीं हो सकता है।"</b></span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">आंबेडकर यह मानते थे कि भारत के मामले में, यह सावधानी बरती जानी, किसी अन्य देश की तुलना में कहीं अधिक आवश्यक है। उनके अनुसार भारत में, भक्ति (या जिसे आत्मा के उद्धार का मार्ग कहा जा सकता है), देश की राजनीति में वह भूमिका निभाती है, जो दुनिया के किसी भी अन्य देश की राजनीति में निभाई नहीं जाती है। उनका यह मानना था कि, धर्म में भक्ति, आत्मा के उद्धार का मार्ग हो सकती है, लेकिन राजनीति में, भक्ति या नायक-पूजा, तानाशाही की राह सुनिश्चित करती है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">आंबेडकर ने अपनी तीसरी चेतावनी के सम्बन्ध में यह सुझाव दिया था कि हमें मात्र <b>राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र (Political Democracy)</b> से संतुष्ट नहीं होना चाहिए, बल्कि हमे <b>समानता (Equality)</b>, <b>स्वतंत्रता (Liberty)</b> और <b>बंधुत्व (Fraternity)</b> के अंतर्निहित सिद्धांतों के साथ सामाजिक लोकतंत्र के लिए भी प्रयासरत रहना चाहिए। हमें अपने राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र को एक <b>सामाजिक लोकतंत्र (Social Democracy)</b> भी बनाना होगा। उनके अनुसार, एक राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र तब तक प्रगति नहीं कर सकता, जब तक कि उसका आधार सामाजिक लोकतंत्र नहीं होता है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">गौरतलब है कि मई 1936 में छपी <b><i><u>'जाति का विनाश' (Annihiliation of Caste)</u></i></b> नामक अपनी उल्लेखनीय पुस्तिका में उन्होंने यह साफ़ तौर पर कहा था कि लोकतंत्र में आमूल-चूल परिवर्तन लाने के लिए सबसे पहले समानता लाने पर जोर दिया जाना होगा और राजनीतिक परिवर्तन के पहले, सामाजिक परिवर्तन पर जोर दिया जाना चाहिए।</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">उनका कहना था,</span></div>
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<span style="color: #b45f06; font-size: large;"><b>"राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र तब तक नहीं चल सकता जब तक कि वह सामाजिक लोकतंत्र के आधार पर टिका हुआ नहीं है। सामाजिक लोकतंत्र का क्या अर्थ है? यह जीवन का एक तरीका है, जो जीवन के सिद्धांतों के रूप में स्वतंत्रता, समानता और बंधुत्व को पहचान देता है।"</b></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">भारत नामक विचार को जीवित रखने के लिए आम्बेडकर के अंतिम शब्द हमे पढने चाहिए एवं आत्ममंथन करना चाहिए। उनके कहना था कि,</span></div>
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<i style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-size: large;"><b>"... हमें यह नहीं भूलना चाहिए कि इस स्वतंत्रता ने हमें महान जिम्मेदारियां दी हैं। स्वतंत्रता के बाद से हम कुछ भी गलत होने पर अब अंग्रेजों को दोषी नहीं ठहरा सकते हैं। यदि यहाँ से चीजें गलत हो जाती हैं, तो हमारे पास खुद को छोड़कर, दोष देने के लिए कोई नहीं होगा..."</b></span></i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: large;">यह कहना ग़लत नहीं होगा कि यह उनकी दूरदर्शिता ही थी कि वे संविधान सभा के आख़िरी भाषण में आर्थिक और सामाजिक गैरबराबरी के ख़ात्मे को राष्ट्रीय एजेंडे के रूप में सामने लेकर आये।</span></div>
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<span style="color: red;"><b><u>साभार: लाइव लॉ हिंदी </u></b></span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-88099250152632837542019-11-25T08:22:00.003-08:002019-11-25T08:38:56.607-08:00Swearing-in-Ceremony of the Chief Justice of India Justice Sharad Arvind Bobde<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Swearing-in-Ceremony of the Chief Justice of India Justice Sharad Arvind Bobde at Rashtrapati Bhavan</span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com1Rashtrapati Bhawan, President's Estate, New Delhi, Delhi 110004, India28.6143478 77.199430.15502080000000262 35.890836000000007 57.0736748 118.508024tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-38085151264336724222019-11-19T21:41:00.000-08:002019-11-19T21:42:43.387-08:00केवल लाभ, हानि और ब्याज से वास्ता रखने वाले समाज में एक गणितज्ञ का क्या काम?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">इस देश में कोई नेता मरता है तो हम तुरंत गूगल कर के उसके किए काम और पद देखते हैं। कोई लेखक मरता है तो हम तुरंत उसकी लिखी किताबों के नाम खोजते हैं। कोई अभिनेता गुज़र जाए तो हम उसकी क्लासिक फिल्मों को गिनवाते हैं। कोई वैज्ञानिक नहीं रहता तो हम उसे मिले पुरस्कारों के नाम खोजते हैं। किसी शख्सियत के निधन पर कुछ न कुछ मिल ही जाता है हमें लिखने को। यह दिखाने को, कि हम भी उसके बारे में थोड़ा-बहुत जानते थे।</span></strong></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह की मौत पर महज एक विशेषण और दो किंवदंतियों के अलावा किसी को अब तक कुछ भी नहीं मिला, कि श्रद्धांजलि लिखने में दूसरों से थोड़ा आगे बढ़ सके। उस रचना को सराह सके जिसका पर्याय यह गणितज्ञ रहा। थोड़ा पढ़े, लिखे, समझे और विवेक व करुणा दोनों के साथ लोगों को समझा सके कि जिस शख्स के शव को एंबुलेंस तक मयस्सर नहीं हुई, आखिर वह “महान” क्यों था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">कवि अपनी कविता के बगैर क्या है? रचनाकार अपनी रचना के बगैर क्या है? वैज्ञानिक अपनी खोज के बगैर क्या है? इतिहासकार, इतिहास के बगैर क्या है? मनुष्य अपने काम से महान बनता है। अगर समाज को उसका काम ही समझ में न आवे, समाज में एक भी शख्स उसके काम को जानने-समझने की असफल कोशिश तक न करे और उसके मरने पर एक स्वर में महान-महान चिल्लाने लगे, तो यह श्रद्धांजलि नहीं बेइज्जती कही जाएगी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">वे जिंदा रहे तब भी यही किंवदंतियां उन्हें घेरे हुए थीं। मरने पर भी उतना ही मसाला है लोगों के पास लिखने को। मानवीय स्तर पर उन्हें कुछ लोगों से मिली सेवा, मदद, इलाज को छोड़ दें तो सच यही है कि वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह बहुत पहले गुज़र चुके थे। बस औपचारिक घोषणा आज हुई है। किसी भी रचनाकार की तब मौत हो जाती है जब उसकी रचना समाज के लिए कारगर नहीं रह जाती। वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह की रचना को लेकर यह किंवदंती-प्रेमी समाज कब जागरूक था, मुझे गंभीर संदेह है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">क्या आइंस्टीन की थियरी को चुनौती देना या नासा में काम करना “महान” होने की कसौटी है? बार-बार इन अपुष्ट बातों को जिस तरीके से श्रद्धांजलियों में लिखा गया है, वह इस समाज के पेशेवर और गैर-पेशेवर स्मृति-लेखकों की बौद्धिक दरिद्रता व आलस्य को दिखाता है। कुछ लोग अब कह रहे हैं कि समाज ने इस प्रतिभा को नहीं पहचाना। यह बात सरासर गलत है। पलट सवाल है कि क्या ऐसा कहने वालों ने उनके काम को पहचानने की कोशिश की? दरअसल, हमारे समाज को अपनी “प्रतिभाओं” की रचनाओं से कोई सरोकार नहीं है। वरना यह समाज तो प्रतिभाहीनों को भी सिर पर बैठाने का आदी रहा है!</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">यह सच है कि सिंह ने जो शोध बर्कले में किया था, वह सामान्य आदमी की समझ में आने लायक चीज़ नहीं है। यह बात हालांकि सीवी रमन, रामानुजम, जेसी बसु के साथ भी लागू होगी, पर हमने इन्हें तो पर्याप्त तवज्जो दी? कहीं हमने इन्हें भी तो बिना पढ़े-समझे महान नहीं बना दिया? कहीं ऐसा तो नहीं कि जिन्हें यह समाज याद रखता है और जिन्हें भूल जाता है, दोनों को महान बनाने के पीछे की मानसिकता एक ही है?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">आइये, वशिष्ठ जी को एक बार शांत छोड़कर थोड़ा दूसरी दिशाओं में चलते हैं। कल जवाहरलाल नेहरू का जन्मदिन था। ट्विटर पर अंग्रेज़ी और हिंदी में ‘ठरकी दिवस’ हैशटैग ट्रेंड करता रहा दिन भर। नेहरू को तो हम लोग बचपन से ही पर्याप्त पढ़ते, समझते और जानते हैं। फिर ऐसा क्यों हुआ? क्यों होने दिया गया? महात्मा गांधी को लीजिए। आज उनके हत्यारे नाथूराम गोडसे की पुण्यतिथि तमाम जगहों पर बड़ी धूमधाम से मनायी जा रही है। गांधीजी को तो हम सब अच्छे से जानते हैं। फिर इस समाज में उनके हत्यारे का महिमामंडन क्यों हो रहा है? उसकी स्वीकार्यता क्यों बढ़ती जा रही है? कल ही स्वामी विवेकानंद की अनावृत्त प्रतिमा के साथ जेएनयू में छेड़छाड़ की घटना सामने आयी। इसकी प्रतिक्रिया में ‘जेएनयू बंद करो’ का नारा कुछ लोगों ने सोशल मीडिया पर उछाल दिया। मामला केवल प्रतिमा के अनादृत होने का है क्या? स्वामी विवेकानंद ने जो कुछ कहा और लिखा, उससे किसी को मतलब है भी या नहीं?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">ये तीनों उदाहरण पहली नज़र में राजनीतिक सत्ता और उसके बनाये माहौल से जाकर जुड़ते लगते हैं। थोड़ा भीतर उतरकर देखें तो गांधी और नेहरू के प्रति बढ़ती नफ़रत, गोडसे से बढ़ता प्रेम और मूर्तियों का मोह जो इस बीच उभर कर सामने आ रहा है वह हमारे समाज के अतीत के बारे में आखिर क्या बताता है? अगर किसी राजनीतिक गिरोह का दुष्प्रचार इतना ही ताकतवर होता तो सभी पर समान रूप से असर क्यों नहीं करता? क्यों कुछ मुट्ठी भर लोग- जिन्हें तंज की लोकप्रिय भाषा में आजकल “बुद्धिजीवी” कहा जाता है- अब भी इससे अप्रभावित हैं, जबकि व्यापक समाज अपनी चुनी सरकारों के गढ़े नये नायकों और खलनायकों की ओर झुकता जा रहा है? आप वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह की मौत पर गिनकर पहचान करें कि किन लोगों ने उनके बारे में सोशल मीडिया या दूसरे मंचों पर सहानुभूति से लिखा है। मोटे तौर पर ये वही लोग हैं जो लगातार गांधी, नेहरू को भी सहानुभूतिपूर्वक डिफेंड करते हैं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">इसका मोटा सा मतलब यह निकलता है कि आज़ादी के बाद हमने जो समाज बनाया, उसने “महान” लोगों के कहे-लिखे का ज्यादा लोड नहीं लिया। उन्हें सुना नहीं, पढ़ा नहीं। पीढ़ी दर पीढ़ी बताया जाता रहा कि फलाने “महान” हैं और अगली पीढ़ी मानती रही। जिन्हें खलनायक बताया गया, वे इस समाज के खलनायक बने रहे। यह श्रुति परंपरा का समाज था जो पढ़ता-लिखता नहीं है। जहां सबसे लोकप्रिय साहित्य रामचरितमानस है, जिसे रटकर बिना समझे गाया जा सकता है। ऐसा समाज मूर्तियां गढ़ता है। जीते जी और मरने के बाद बस माला पहनाता है। महान बनाता है। फ़र्क इतना है कि कोई जीते जी महानता को प्राप्त हो जाता है, कोई मरने के बाद। निज़ाम बदलता है, पीढ़ी बदलती है तो इस कहा-सुनी में समाज के नायक भी बदल जाते हैं, जैसा हमारे यहां आज हो रहा है। एक चीज़ बस नहीं बदलती है- अपढ़ रहने की सामूहिक क्षमता।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">ऐसे एक समाज में वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह का भुला दिया जाना अपने आप में कुछ खास अफ़सोस की बात नहीं होना चाहिए। जिन्हें निजी स्तर पर उनकी सुध लेना थी, उन्होंने ली ही। हां, मरने के बाद उन्हें महान बताया जाना और महानता के पीछे की वजह को नासा और आइंस्टीन से जुड़ती (संदिग्ध) किंवदंतियों में छुपा लिया जाना हमारे समाज के एक अतिरिक्त लक्षण को बताता है- कि यह समाज आलसी भी है। जिस समाज में मनुष्य अपढ़ हो और आलसी भी, वहां विवेक नहीं फलता। ज्ञान-विज्ञान उसे दूर से देखकर भागते हैं। इसीलिए देश का मुखिया साइंस कांग्रेस में इंसान को हाथी की सूंड़ लगा देने को पहली सर्जरी बताता है और जनता अश-अश कर उठती है। वह बादलों में राडार को छुपा लेता है, लोग अभिनंदन करते हैं। मूर्खता के इस गणराज्य में वशिष्ठ बाबू को पागल होना ही बदा था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">इस संकट को आप दो परिघटनाओं में देख सकते हैं, वेरिफाइ कर सकते हैं- विज्ञान के विद्यार्थियों में अवैज्ञानिक विचारों का आकर्षण और गणित शिक्षण के कारण विद्यार्थियों के बीच खुदकुशी की दर। एक परिघटना कुपढ़ता की निशानी है और दूसरी आलस्य की। विज्ञान और मानविकी के छात्रों के अलहदा वैचारिक रुझानों पर काफी शाेध हो चुका है। मेरा एक सहपाठी नासा में बरसों से काम कर रहा है, लेकिन वह महान नहीं है। वह स्थानीय विश्व हिंदू परिषद का संगठकर्ता है। अपवाद हो सकते हैं। हर जगह होते हैं। गणित की स्थिति ज्यादा त्रासद है। वशिष्ठ बाबू स्वस्थ और जीवित होते तो गणित की दरिद्रता से जूझ रहे इस मुल्क का दुख ही मनाते, कुछ कर नहीं पाते। शायद, फिर पागल हो जाते।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">एक बार गूगल पर लिखिए <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Mathematicians_who_committed_suicide" target="_blank">“गणित खुदकुशी”</a>। उसके बाद एक के बाद एक ख़बर देखते जाइए। तेलंगाना में इस साल जब दसवीं और बारहवीं की परीक्षा के नतीजे आए तो 18 छात्रों ने गणित में फेल होने के चलते अपनी जान दे दी। प्रतियोगी परीक्षाओं के कोचिंग केंद्रों की राजधानी कोटा में खुदकुशी की लहलहाती कहानियों से हम सब वाकिफ़ हैं। हर गर्मी में वहां लाशों की नयी फसल कमरों के पंखे से उगती है।</span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption"><b><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Grigori Perelman</span></span></b></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">छात्र ही क्यों, दुनिया भर में अब तक कुल 22 गणितज्ञों ने खुदकुशी की है। कम लोग जानते हैं कि हमारे महान गणितज्ञ रामानुजम ने भी 37 साल की अवस्था में आत्महत्या की थी। एक गणितज्ञ की आत्महत्या हालांकि एक गणित-भीरू समाज की आत्महत्याओं से गुणात्मक रूप से उलट होती है। गणितज्ञ प्रचुर संख्या में पागल भी हो जाते हैं। रूस के ग्रेगरी पेरेलमैन इसका ताज़ा उदाहरण हैं। वशिष्ठ बाबू भी पागल हो गए थे।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">पागल हो जाना तीक्ष्ण प्रतिभा का द्योतक नहीं है, जैसा कि यह समाज समझता है। आदमी पागल इसलिए हो जाता है क्योंकि उसे समझने वाला समाज में उसे कोई नहीं दिखता। विज्ञान पढ़कर अवैज्ञानिकता की सेवा करने वाला और गणित पढ़ने के नाम पर पेट में दर्द के बहाने बनाने वाला समाज अपढ़, कुपढ़ और आलसी और ज्ञानभीरू समाज है। इस समाज में अपने बच्चे का वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह होना किसी को स्वीकार्य नहीं है। यह सामान्य से एक विचलन है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">इसीलिए उन्हें जीते जी इस समाज की स्वीकार्यता नहीं मिली- वेक्टर स्पेस, हिलबर्ट स्पेस या केर्नल जैसी गणितीय अवधारणाओं को पढ़कर समझना तो इस समाज के लिए माउंट एवरेस्ट चढ़ने से भी घातक काम है, इसलिए वशिष्ठ बाबू की बहुउद्धृत थीसिस को तो भूल ही जाएं। उसके शीर्षक का एक-एक शब्द इस देश के नागरिकों के लिए हिब्रू से कम नहीं है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह का जाना तो फिर भी एक खास हलके में नोटिस लिया गया। एंबुलेंस के लिए निशाने पर आये प्रशासन और सरकार ने नीतिश कुमार के लिए मैयत में लाल कालीन बिछाकर बेशर्म खानापूर्ति भी कर दी। हो सकता है कल को उनके नाम पर कोई कॉलेज आदि बना दिया जाए। मूर्ति भी लगवा दी जाए। वशिष्ठ बाबू अमर हो जाएंगे। कुछ साल बाद वे लोग भी काल कवलित हो जाएंगे जिन्होंने उन्हें साबुत देखा था। उनकी रचना मने थीसिस शायद इस देश के खत्म होने तक इस समाज को समझ न आवे। महान बनाने के कारखाने में क्या फ़र्क पड़ता है किसी को? जब महान ही बनाना राष्ट्रीय धर्म है तो कल को गोडसे भी महान हो जाएगा!</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">वैसे, क्या आपने देश के उन 11 न्यूक्लियर वैज्ञानिकों का नाम सुना है जो रहस्यमय परिस्थितियों में 2009 से 2013 के बीच अपनी लैब में मारे गये? परमाणु ऊर्जा विभाग से एक आरटीआइ के जवाब में यह आंकड़ा किसी को मिला था। अब सोचिये, कौन ज्यादा सौभाग्यशाली निकला?</span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><h1 itemprop="headline name" style="background-color: white; color: #1e1e1e; line-height: 1.16em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 8px; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: small;">Alexander Grothendieck</span></h1>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">क्या आप अलेक्जेंडर ग्रोथेनडीक को जानते हैं? जिस दौरान वशिष्ठ बाबू बर्कले में जॉन केली के निर्देशन में पीएचडी कर रहे थे, उसी दौरान 1966 में अलेक्जेंडर ग्रोथेनडीक नाम के एक गणितज्ञ को गणित का सबसे बड़ा पुरस्कार फील्ड्स मेडल दिया गया था, लेकिन रूसी सरकार की तानाशाही कार्रवाइयों का विरोध करते हुए उन्होंने मेडल लेने के लिए मॉस्को जाने से इनकार कर दिया। अगले साल जब अमेरिका ने वियतनाम पर हमला किया, तो अमेरिका के इस कृत्य के विरोध में अलेक्जेंडर जबरन हनोई में एक लेक्चर देने बमबारी के बीच चले गए थे। रिटायर होने के बाद यह आदमी भी 1988 में अपने गांव चला गया था। 2014 में अपनी मौत तक यह गणितज्ञ अपने गांव के घर में अकेले पड़ा रहा। लाश उठाने वाला भी कोई नहीं मिला इसे। एंबुलेंस यहां भी नहीं आयी थी।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">ग्रेगरी पेरेलमैन, जिनका नाम मैंने पहले लिया, उन्होंने 2006 का फील्ड्स मेडल ठुकरा दिया था। गणित के छह अनसुलझे ऐतिहासिक सवालों में से एक पोआंकरे कंजेक्चर को सुलझाने वाला यह शख्स बरसों से अपने कमरे में बंद पड़ा है। किसी पत्रकार ने कुछ साल पहले उन्हें अपनी मां के साथ टहलते हुए देख लिया था। वह आखिरी बार था। इसके बाद वे नहीं दिखे।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">गणित पढ़ने और इसमें रमने वालों की त्रासदी दुनिया की शायद सबसे प्राचीन और सर्वाधिक मानवीय त्रासदियों में एक है। इसकी वजह बस इतनी सी है कि हमारा समाज गणित का मतलब लाभ, हानि और ब्याज मापने तक ही समझना चाहता है। भारत जैसे देश में, जिसके मुखिया के खून में व्यापार दौड़ता है, वशिष्ठ नारायण सिंह का सौभाग्य कहें कि उन्हें याद करने वाले मुट्ठी भर लोग अब भी बचे हुए थे, जिनकी आंख में पानी शेष है। विडम्बना कहेंगे कि यही उनका दुर्भाग्य भी है। उन्हें याद तो किया गया, लेकिन उनकी रचना को याद किए बगैर। केवल किंवदंतियों में। एक घिस चुके विशेषण के साथ।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">जीते जी किंवदंती बन चुके इस गणितज्ञ की मौत अपने आप में यह बताने के लिए काफी है कि भारतीय समाज अज्ञानता, तर्कहीनता, मूर्खता, अहंकार, आलस्य और महत्वाकांक्षा के जिस अंधेरे गड्ढे में स्वेच्छा से जा रहा है, उसके ठोस कारण क्या हैं।</span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><h2 class="_17w2 _6ybr" id="js_5" style="background-color: white; font-size: 15px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; white-space: nowrap;">
<span class="_3oh-" style="user-select: text;"><span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Abhishek Srivastava</span></span></h2>
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<b>(Mediavigil)</b></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6076535318930184230.post-27514141068684891002019-11-15T09:59:00.000-08:002019-11-15T10:02:09.646-08:00जन संघर्ष के नायक जब्बार भाई- संदीप नाइक <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>कल ही सब पढ़ा था। मित्र लोग पोस्ट डाल रहे थे। एक आदमी जो 1984 से भोपाल गैस त्रासदी के पीड़ितों की लड़ाई लड़ रहा था, लगातार 35 वर्षों से, उसने हर मंच पर आवाज़ बुलंद की आज वह अपनी ही लड़ाई हार गया। यूं तो अनिल सदगोपाल, साधना कर्णिक, सतीनाथ षड़ंगी, रचना ढींगरा आदि कई नेता हैं, जो यह लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे, पर उनका अंदाजे बयां कुछ और था।</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">1986-87 वो साल था जब देश भर से भारत ज्ञान-विज्ञान जत्थे निकले थे, नारा लेकर कि विज्ञान विकास के लिए या विनाश के लिए। एकलव्य संस्था का गठन हुआ था। विनोद रायना, रेक्स डी रोज़ारियो, कमल महेंद्रू, अनिता रामपाल, साधना सक्सेना, अनवर जाफरी जैसे लोग थे, जो बहुत जोश और खरोश के साथ विज्ञान और विज्ञान की शिक्षा को लेकर प्रदेश में काम करने का मंसूबा लेकर आए थे। इस बीच भोपाल गैस त्रासदी हो गई। मप्र में विनोद रायना, अनिल सदगोपाल, संतोष चौबे से लेकर तमाम तरह के एक्टिविस्ट और खास करके केरला शास्त्र साहित्य परिषद के डॉक्टर एमपी परमेश्वरन और कृष्ण कुमार जैसे लोगों ने भारत ज्ञान-विज्ञान जत्थे की संकल्पना बनाई थी, जो देश के चार कोनों से निकले थे।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">ये जत्थे देश भर की यात्रा करते हुए एक दिसंबर 1987 को भोपाल पहुंचे थे और छोला रोड पर यूनियन कार्बाइड फैक्ट्री के सामने इकट्ठा हुए। हजारों लोगों की भीड़ के सामने नाटकों का प्रदर्शन हुआ और उपस्थित लोगों ने संकल्प लिया कि अब विज्ञान का प्रयोग विकास के संदर्भ में किया जाएगा। एकलव्य ने एक बहुत खूबसूरत किताब छापी थी, जिसका शीर्षक था ‘भोपाल गैस त्रासदी-जन विज्ञान का सवाल’। यह पुस्तक आज भी एकलव्य की नींव है और एकलव्य जैसी प्रतिबद्ध संस्था एवं लोगों की विचारधारा का मूलधार है जो हमें बार-बार जन वैज्ञानिकों और विचारधारा के संदर्भ में देखने की आवश्यकता महसूस कराती है।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">इसी समय से जब्बार भाई एक सशक्त नेता के रूप में उभर कर आए थे। बाद में भोपाल गैस त्रासदी को लेकर कई सारे मोर्चे बने। कई लोगों की आपसी खींचातानी के चलते भोपाल गैस त्रासदी के पीड़ित यहां-वहां भटकते भी रहे। कुछ लोगों ने दुनिया भर में इसका प्रचार करके पुरस्कार भी बटोरे। करोड़ों का अनुदान भी। डॉलर्स भी। पर जब्बार भाई जैसे लोग पीड़ितों के साथ लगे रहे और लगातार भोपाल से लेकर जबलपुर हाईकोर्ट, सुप्रीम कोर्ट नई दिल्ली तक लड़ाई, धरना, प्रदर्शन, रैली या भूख हड़ताल में लगे रहे।</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">उनका जीवन मानवीयता का दूसरा ही पहलू बन गया था और इसमें वह आदमी कब संघर्ष का पर्याय बन गया, मालूम नहीं पड़ा। जब भी पुराने भोपाल में कोई बैठक होती या मध्य प्रदेश शासन के बनाए विंध्याचल, सतपुड़ा या बल्लभ भवन में तो हम लोग इस बैठक में शरीक होते। बहुत सारी सामग्री बनाने में, संपादन करने में और छापने में एकलव्य के लोगों ने बहुत मदद की थी। चकमक की कटी हुई और बची हुई पट्टी पर बहुत सारी चीजें छापी जाती थीं। चाहे वह गीत की किताब के रूप में हो या भोपाल गैस त्रासदी की छोटी मोटी रिपोर्ट। आंकड़े या कोर्ट के निर्णय।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">पीड़ितों के पुनर्बसाहट के लिए उन्होंने कई प्रकार के काम लड़-झगड़ कर शुरू करवाए थे। चाहे वह महिलाओं के लिए सिलाई केंद्र की बात हो या युवाओं के लिए कौशल प्रशिक्षण की बात।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">जब्बार भाई लड़ते-लड़ते कब अपने आप में चलते-फिरते विश्वविद्यालय हो गए, यह कहना मुश्किल है, परंतु वे भोपाल के घर आंगन में जन संघर्षों के नवाब हो गए थे। हर बाशिंदा उनको बेइंतेहा प्यार करता था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">सचिन ने जब दो-तीन पोस्ट डालीं कि जब्बार भाई की तबियत खराब है। शुगर की वजह से उनके पांव का पंजा काटना पड़ सकता है, गैंग्रीन की बीमारी हो गई थी, जिसका इलाज लगभग नामुमकिन है। लाइलाज शुगर का ख़ौफ़ अब सताने लगा है हम सबको।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">दुख यह है कि जिस आदमी ने जीवन भर लोगों के लिए काम किया। गरीब से गरीब आदमी और अमीर से अमीर आदमी की लड़ाई लड़ी और सरकार से लगभग हर व्यक्ति को पेंशन दिलवाने का बंदोबस्त किया। वह आदमी अपने अंतिम समय में फांकाकशी में अस्पताल में भर्ती रहा और मित्रों को उसके इलाज के लिए चंदा इकट्ठा करना पड़ा। शायद यह सही समय है कि बाजारीकरण के इस दौर में हमें सोचना चाहिए कि जो लोग समाज सेवा से जुड़े हुए हैं, उनका अंत में हश्र क्या होता है! समाज न उनके लिए कुछ करने को तैयार है, न सोचने को तैयार है और न ही कोई आर्थिक मदद देने को तैयार है। ऐसे में आप सरकार, सत्ता या राजनीति की बात न ही करें तो बेहतर है।</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">फिर भी मित्रों ने काफी राशि इकठ्ठा कर ली थी। उन्हें दिल्ली ट्रांसफर करने की भी बात की जा रही थी। पर वे हार गए जीवन की जंग और सबको बीच में ही छोड़ कर चले गए।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">जब्बार भाई आप को सौ-सौ सलाम – आपका मुस्कुराता हुआ विनम्रता से भरा हुआ चेहरा हमेशा याद आएगा। जब भी मिलते कहते, घर आओ यार, बैठकर कुछ बात करनी है। कुछ लिखना है। बस्ती में चलना है। अदालत के कुछ कागज हैं, उनका तर्जुमा करना है। 2011 तक मैं भोपाल में रहा। तब अकसर उनसे मिलना हो जाता था। कभी भारत ज्ञान विज्ञान समिति के ऑफिस में। कभी पुराने भोपाल में। कभी प्रेस काम्प्लेक्स में, परन्तु पिछले आठ सालों से मैं उनसे मिल नहीं पाया था पर लगातार सूचनाएं मिलती रहती थीं।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">उनके अस्पताल में भर्ती होने की जब से खबर सुनी थी, मन बहुत बेचैन था। उनकी आर्थिक मदद के लिए जब पोस्ट शेयर की थी और कुछ अपनी तरफ से बहुत छोटी सी मामूली रकम भिजवाई थी, तो बहुत घबराहट थी। सुबह से ही मन शंकित था। दिनभर अपडेट लेता रहा था और अभी वह खबर आ ही गई, जिसका डर था।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">जब्बार भाई आप हमेशा लाखों लोगों के दिलों में रहेंगे और सच में आपने जो काम किया है, आपने जो लड़ाइयां लड़ी हैं वे सारी लंबी उम्र तक कई सारे लोगों को हमेशा-हमेशा याद रहेंगी। आपका होना भोपाल था और अब आप भोपाल में नहीं है तो भोपाल अपनी एक लंबी लड़ाई तो हार चुका है। अब जो बचा है, वे लड़ाईयां नही समझौते होंगे। बाकी कुछ शेष ही नहीं है।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">आप को सौ-सौ सलाम। खुदा परवरदिगार से इल्तजा है कि आप को जन्नत अता करे और सायरा भाभी और बच्चों को यह वज्रापात सहने की शक्ति प्रदान करे।</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">आमीन।</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">संदीप नाईक</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">(देवास मप्र में रहते है, 34 वर्ष विभिन्न प्रकार के कामों और नौकरियों को करके इन दिनों फ्री लांस काम करते है </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">अंग्रेज़ी साहित्य और समाज कार्य मे दीक्षित संदीप का लेखन से गहरा सरोकार है, एक कहानी संकलन " नर्मदा किनारे से बेचैनी की कथाएँ" आई है जिसे हिंदी के प्रतिष्ठित वागीश्वरी सम्मान से नवाज़ा गया है , इसके अतिरिक्त देश की श्रेष्ठ पत्रिकाओं में सौ से ज़्यादा कविताएं , 150 से ज्यादा आलेख, पुस्तक समीक्षाएं और ज्वलंत विषयों पर शोधपरक लेख प्रकाशित है)</span></div>
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प्रतीक कुमारhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06715630466039863927noreply@blogger.com0